A Commentary on Tactics
There has been a bit of a debate here on the Blog about the tactics being used by social movements these past two weeks, namely road blockades and marches to shut down the Congress. Here’s a sample:
However, the marches only make those possible sympathizers react negatively to the entire movement. They no longer respond to the message of a fairer treatment for Bolivia, rather they only see the tactics as a threat to their daily way of life.
The reader also asked me what advice on tactics I have been giving social movement leaders.
First, let me say something about what it means to be a gringo in Bolivia. I live here. I raise my family here. It is not up to me, however, to tell social movements how to do their business. If I am asked for an opinion I offer it bit it is not my place to go around telling movement leaders how to wage their political struggles.
If I were leading a political fight here, would I organize people to block roads? Probably not. I don’t think it is all that brainy an idea for ACT-UP to try to shut down one of San Francisco’s major bridges from time to time either. I believe that the tactics of political confrontation should be used when non-confrontational tactics have been tried and failed and I think they should be aimed at those with authority, not the public at large.
Bolivians, however, live a different reality. Ask movement activists here why they have taken to blockading roads and they will tell you, “There is nothing else that will make the government listen to us.” Evidence is on their side.
All this reminds me of one of the most important expressions ever written about the tactics of civil disobedience, Martin Luther King’s Letter from the Birmingham Jail. In April 1963 King was jailed for participating in civil disobedience in Alabama. Other clergy on the outside criticized King for crossing an unwise tactical line. Scribbling on the margins of whatever scraps of paper he could find, King penned a response the wisdom of which endures four decades later:
You may well ask: "Why direct action? Why sit-ins, marches and so forth? Isn't negotiation a better path?" You are quite right in calling, for negotiation. Indeed, this is the very purpose of direct action. Nonviolent direct action seeks to create such a crisis and foster such a tension that a community which has constantly refused to negotiate is forced to confront the issue. It seeks so to dramatize the issue that it can no longer be ignored.
To be clear, Bolivia isn’t Birmingham and the tactics being used here aren’t exactly those used by King. That said, there is a principle that is the same. People use the tactics available to them in the political contexts in which they operate. Nelson Mandela once said it isn’t we who select our tactics it is our opponents. People are in the streets here because they have been ignored politically, over and over again.
Do I wish movements here could find a less disruptive, less damaging way to press their demands? Yes. Do I see an obvious alternative? No. Is it my place to tell them what to do? Surely not.
However, the marches only make those possible sympathizers react negatively to the entire movement. They no longer respond to the message of a fairer treatment for Bolivia, rather they only see the tactics as a threat to their daily way of life.
The reader also asked me what advice on tactics I have been giving social movement leaders.
First, let me say something about what it means to be a gringo in Bolivia. I live here. I raise my family here. It is not up to me, however, to tell social movements how to do their business. If I am asked for an opinion I offer it bit it is not my place to go around telling movement leaders how to wage their political struggles.
If I were leading a political fight here, would I organize people to block roads? Probably not. I don’t think it is all that brainy an idea for ACT-UP to try to shut down one of San Francisco’s major bridges from time to time either. I believe that the tactics of political confrontation should be used when non-confrontational tactics have been tried and failed and I think they should be aimed at those with authority, not the public at large.
Bolivians, however, live a different reality. Ask movement activists here why they have taken to blockading roads and they will tell you, “There is nothing else that will make the government listen to us.” Evidence is on their side.
All this reminds me of one of the most important expressions ever written about the tactics of civil disobedience, Martin Luther King’s Letter from the Birmingham Jail. In April 1963 King was jailed for participating in civil disobedience in Alabama. Other clergy on the outside criticized King for crossing an unwise tactical line. Scribbling on the margins of whatever scraps of paper he could find, King penned a response the wisdom of which endures four decades later:
You may well ask: "Why direct action? Why sit-ins, marches and so forth? Isn't negotiation a better path?" You are quite right in calling, for negotiation. Indeed, this is the very purpose of direct action. Nonviolent direct action seeks to create such a crisis and foster such a tension that a community which has constantly refused to negotiate is forced to confront the issue. It seeks so to dramatize the issue that it can no longer be ignored.
To be clear, Bolivia isn’t Birmingham and the tactics being used here aren’t exactly those used by King. That said, there is a principle that is the same. People use the tactics available to them in the political contexts in which they operate. Nelson Mandela once said it isn’t we who select our tactics it is our opponents. People are in the streets here because they have been ignored politically, over and over again.
Do I wish movements here could find a less disruptive, less damaging way to press their demands? Yes. Do I see an obvious alternative? No. Is it my place to tell them what to do? Surely not.

The Democracy Center, based in Cochabamba Bolivia and San Francisco California, works globally to advance human rights through a combination of investigation and reporting, training citizens in the art of public advocacy, and organizing international citizen campaigns. If you like the Blog, consider becoming a subscriber to The Democracy Center's free e-newsletter by sending us an email at 
12 Comments:
I strongly urge checking out Gene Sharp. There ARE better non-violent tactics available to Bolivians - and/or more strategic ways of applying them. The very reason I think they are a great resource for Bolivians in particular is because Bolivia IS a world leader in popular direct action and nonviolence. But, nascient discipline that strategic nonviolence is, the successes and failures of Bolivians and others are often achieved clumsily, or by pure luck, inasmuch as they have not undertaken a careful analysis of what works and what doesn't, beyond the rather blunt "take to the streets and don't back down." People at the Albert Einstein Institution are studying precisely what works and what doesn't work - using case studies like that of the 2000 Water Wars in Bolivia (I don't know if they've actually used that one, but they should, as it was an astounding success), so as to help movements sharpen the tools of popular uprising.
I have spent a lot of time in Bolivia - and some elsewhere in Latin America - talking to people about nonviolence and protest/revolution. Often responses are defensive -- "the people just did the only thing they could," or "look at Cuba, look at Nicaragua - violence worked and it's the only thing that could have worked." The assumption seems to be that promoting nonviolence implies the passing of moral judgement on other options people have taken.
In Bolivia, the protests ARE essentially nonviolent, but they are more divisive - among the poor - than many would hope.
The proposal of more effective means (or more nonviolent means, as the case may be) is not meant as a judgement on the people engaged in protests, but as a possible way of making their struggle even more fruitful. It can be collaborative, not condescending or presumptuous.
There are good and bad ways to advise people. I appreciate what Jim says about offering advice when asked, but not pretending to know how Bolivians should engage in their own struggles. I, too, have been a gringo in Bolivia, and I fully understand that the last thing people want is another norteamericano telling them what to do. But solidarity is not all passive.
FIRST, to be sure, one must live in a way that builds trust, must walk with the people with whom one is seeking solidarity, and must remove the log from one's own eye (nation/government) before pointing out the speck in the other's. That is a necessary foundation.
And one must not impose one's ideas. But an exchange of ideas is, I think, perfectly appropriate. I would assume (with all the caveats required of assumption) that someone like Jim has established the kind of relationship with many in the Bolivian social movements in which his thoughts would be valued, and that he would present them in a way that would be respected rather than resented. That's not to say they'd be heeded -- I don't expect to see major changes on the streets tomorrow, followed by Evo, and Coco, arm in arm, thanking their good friend Jaime Shultz for setting them straight. But it's not always arrogant to share valuable insights or information.
Certainly we in the U.S. have more to learn from Bolivians than to teach them in so many areas. And we must do our part IN the U.S., not just critique the actions of Bolivians who are in the thick of problems for which we bear great responsibility. But when the topic of discussion is the frustrations currently being experienced by our sisters and brothers in the streets of Bolivia, it seems natural to consider what, if any, positive contributions we might make there, as well.
Finally, I am not commenting on the current protests in isolation. I lived for three years in La Paz, and I honestly don't think a week went by that there wasn't a march, shutting down traffic, etc. During the main protest season it was often two or three protests in a day. People in the streets often did not even know what they were marching for. Their unions - or teachers, in the case of children, who also marched - had just told them they had to show up. When that happens, it is neither the only way of engaging the powers, nor is it effective.
The current crisis is different, but the people (taxi drivers, shop-owners, etc.) who are frustrated by current tactics are experiencing them in the same long-term context I've just described.
In 2002, Evo Morales' MAS party received the 2nd amount of votes in the Presidential Election. Last December, MAS was the number one vote-getter in the municipal elections.
I realize that many in the Cochabamba social movements are very critical of Morales, for whatever reason.
However, it demonstrated that an underrepresented part of Bolivia was legitimately part of democratic Bolivia. Instead of building upon those accomplishments, the left threw all that out the window. Instead of reaching out to sympathetic working and middle classes, Morales became antagonistic and flat-out began spouting out ridiculous statements (i.e. "Mesa is the number one enemy of the pueblo", Mesa is a racist). To say that the left has never been included in the democratic process is incorrect.
I do believe that Morales and the social movements missed their big chance to really gain support for the cause. It really affects all of Bolivia, not just the social movements. Instead of pushing away a large part of Bolivia, why not try to find common ground?
Yes, I understand that there are serious issues of representation in government of the majority.
Basically what blockades and city-wide shut down show is that a small percentage of Bolivia can basically dictate and trample on the rights of others. Even if there are 50,000 people from the La Paz area basically shutting down the entire country, it is still a minority out of a population of 8 million.
The truth is that blockades hurt the working class Bolivians who live day to day. I don't see how anyone can condone these tactics when it negatively affects the same people that these tactics aim to help.
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