The Fork in the Road
Protests and blockades paralyzing La Paz. Roads across the country shut down. Campesinos marching on Santa Cruz attacked by stick-wielding youths. Congress struggling to find some compromise that can bring the country back to normal. All sides losing patience and repeated rumors of coups in the air. This is the way Bolivia looks tonight.
It is unclear how long Bolivia can continue along with the current stalemate. The movements calling for nationalization of oil and gas and for a national Asamblea Constituyente not only show no signs of letting up, they show all the signs of growing more intense and bold in their willingness to shut the country down.
Yet, here in Cochabamba, as soon as you step away from those involved in the protests, you run into a wave of frustration by taxi drivers, shop workers, neighbors and others who, while generally in support of the social movements’ demands, are getting increasingly ticked off at having the center of the city shut down and work made impossible for many. I can only imagine that in La Paz these sentiments on both sides are even more intense.
The fork in the road – Bolivia will either find a compromise forward soon or the government will take up arms to squash the protests. Only those who don’t know better predict which way things will turn.
Once again, it is time for a little reminder of the hidden forces at work here from abroad. Bolivians did not get themselves into this conflict by their own doing, not by any stretch.
Here how it works:
Step One: The International Monetary Fund decides that the economic medicine that the country needs is privatization of all its industries – say eating raw eggs ten times a day – you can say no. When the IMF is the doctor and you are dependent on it for economic aid, it is like the doctor being able to withhold your food if you don’t chow down the eggs. You take the eggs.
Step Two: Bolivia takes the IMF’s advice, privatizes its oil and gas, watches state revenues from oil and gas take a nosedive while prices skyrocket. People start to get mad.
Step Three: After the people get mad enough to oust their President (Goni 2003), the next President promises to put the whole thing to a vote and does, with 92% of the people affirming that they want Bolivia to take back control of the nation’s gas and oil.
Step Four: The IMF and the oil companies tell Bolivia (albeit, in economic jargon): “Hey a deal is a deal. You can’t put the toothpaste of privatization back into the tube. If you do this no one will invest in your country. You will be a pariah.” Behind the scenes the IMF makes no tampering with the oil companies’ contracts a condition of renewed aid.
Step Five: Unable to get their government to listen in any other way, people go to the streets, they push their country to the edge of chaos. Some take a historical view and see, in oil and gas, the makings of a 21st century version of the Spanish stealing three centuries of silver out of a mountain in Potosi’ leaving Bolivia the poorest country on the continent. They act “radically”. Others take a daily view, “I just want to work, I just want peace. Who are these people disrupting our lives?”
The pressure from those demanding that Bolivia take back its gas and oil is as visible as a mass of people occupying a city and as loud as dynamite thrown in anger. The pressure from the other side – from the IMF, from the USA, from foreign oil companies – is invisible. It takes place among calm people wearing suits, ties and heels, behind closed doors. So far, that is a pressure far more powerful than thousands in the street and suffers no similar public reaction against it.
So here is a moral question for our readers. If a nation is pushed by foreign players like the IMF into a policy without any public input or support, and if that policy turns out to be such a failure that the people rebel – who bears responsibility?
How would people in the U.S. feel if the IMF came in today and forced the US government to privatize Social Security, took that fundamental democratic choice right out of the public’s hands? Or suppose that the IMF forced the US government to turn over the Alaskan wilderness over to oil companies from China? What then?
What is happening in the streets of El Alto, La Paz and Cochabamba this week is nothing to be shocked about. It is a political boomerang a decade in the making from a simple fact – Bolivia did not hand control of its oil and gas reserves over to foreign companies because the people deliberated on it and decided it was a good deal. Bolivia took that action under the threat of losing foreign aid it was dependent upon.
You don’t take a decision like that away from people and then express shock and dismay when they finally react. If fatal violence again breaks out in Bolivia in the next week, let us not pretend that it was a purely Bolivian act. The actions that set that violence in motion will be traceable, once again, to an unelected institution a hemisphere away in Washington DC.
It is unclear how long Bolivia can continue along with the current stalemate. The movements calling for nationalization of oil and gas and for a national Asamblea Constituyente not only show no signs of letting up, they show all the signs of growing more intense and bold in their willingness to shut the country down.
Yet, here in Cochabamba, as soon as you step away from those involved in the protests, you run into a wave of frustration by taxi drivers, shop workers, neighbors and others who, while generally in support of the social movements’ demands, are getting increasingly ticked off at having the center of the city shut down and work made impossible for many. I can only imagine that in La Paz these sentiments on both sides are even more intense.
The fork in the road – Bolivia will either find a compromise forward soon or the government will take up arms to squash the protests. Only those who don’t know better predict which way things will turn.
Once again, it is time for a little reminder of the hidden forces at work here from abroad. Bolivians did not get themselves into this conflict by their own doing, not by any stretch.
Here how it works:
Step One: The International Monetary Fund decides that the economic medicine that the country needs is privatization of all its industries – say eating raw eggs ten times a day – you can say no. When the IMF is the doctor and you are dependent on it for economic aid, it is like the doctor being able to withhold your food if you don’t chow down the eggs. You take the eggs.
Step Two: Bolivia takes the IMF’s advice, privatizes its oil and gas, watches state revenues from oil and gas take a nosedive while prices skyrocket. People start to get mad.
Step Three: After the people get mad enough to oust their President (Goni 2003), the next President promises to put the whole thing to a vote and does, with 92% of the people affirming that they want Bolivia to take back control of the nation’s gas and oil.
Step Four: The IMF and the oil companies tell Bolivia (albeit, in economic jargon): “Hey a deal is a deal. You can’t put the toothpaste of privatization back into the tube. If you do this no one will invest in your country. You will be a pariah.” Behind the scenes the IMF makes no tampering with the oil companies’ contracts a condition of renewed aid.
Step Five: Unable to get their government to listen in any other way, people go to the streets, they push their country to the edge of chaos. Some take a historical view and see, in oil and gas, the makings of a 21st century version of the Spanish stealing three centuries of silver out of a mountain in Potosi’ leaving Bolivia the poorest country on the continent. They act “radically”. Others take a daily view, “I just want to work, I just want peace. Who are these people disrupting our lives?”
The pressure from those demanding that Bolivia take back its gas and oil is as visible as a mass of people occupying a city and as loud as dynamite thrown in anger. The pressure from the other side – from the IMF, from the USA, from foreign oil companies – is invisible. It takes place among calm people wearing suits, ties and heels, behind closed doors. So far, that is a pressure far more powerful than thousands in the street and suffers no similar public reaction against it.
So here is a moral question for our readers. If a nation is pushed by foreign players like the IMF into a policy without any public input or support, and if that policy turns out to be such a failure that the people rebel – who bears responsibility?
How would people in the U.S. feel if the IMF came in today and forced the US government to privatize Social Security, took that fundamental democratic choice right out of the public’s hands? Or suppose that the IMF forced the US government to turn over the Alaskan wilderness over to oil companies from China? What then?
What is happening in the streets of El Alto, La Paz and Cochabamba this week is nothing to be shocked about. It is a political boomerang a decade in the making from a simple fact – Bolivia did not hand control of its oil and gas reserves over to foreign companies because the people deliberated on it and decided it was a good deal. Bolivia took that action under the threat of losing foreign aid it was dependent upon.
You don’t take a decision like that away from people and then express shock and dismay when they finally react. If fatal violence again breaks out in Bolivia in the next week, let us not pretend that it was a purely Bolivian act. The actions that set that violence in motion will be traceable, once again, to an unelected institution a hemisphere away in Washington DC.

The Democracy Center, based in Cochabamba Bolivia and San Francisco California, works globally to advance human rights through a combination of investigation and reporting, training citizens in the art of public advocacy, and organizing international citizen campaigns. If you like the Blog, consider becoming a subscriber to The Democracy Center's free e-newsletter by sending us an email at 
24 Comments:
Jim,
I imagine that you have fairly good access to some of the Cochabamba social movement leaders. I also imagine that you are trusted friend and perhaps, even an advisor to them (i.e. Oscar Olivera).
What, if anything, are you advising them to do?
I think there are a lot of people not involved with the marches/protests who really want Bolivia to get the best possible deal for the gas. (especially the Bolivian middle class - who aren't necessarily bad people) However, the marches only make those possible sympathizers react negatively to the entire movement. They no longer respond to the message of a fairer treatment for Bolivia, rather they only see the tactics as a threat to their daily way of life.
I really do agree with a lot of what you write, however, the tactics used by many make everything so counterproductive. I know many Bolivian immigrants here in the U.S. that want to go back to Bolivia and possibly invest, which would create jobs. We are not talking about billion dollar oil pipelines, but simple businesses that may create 3-5 jobs. Those add up.
However, nothing is a sure thing anymore. Whether the business has to do with tourism, exports or other that depends of the ability to remain open and not worry about security, it is a loss for Bolivia. Some have scrapped that idea and will remain here where those jobs aren't going to Bolivians anymore.
thanks for keeping us folks outside of bolivia up to date. very few reliable english news sources about bolivia, as you know.
one question, if you could address it in some future posting of yours, do you think there is a role for foreign investment in latin american countries, or is outright nationalization a better path for some?? in other words, which is the main problem, foreign investment or lack of governmental regulation?? or is it just not a good idea to involve foreign companies at all these days -- perhaps one part of this, and just one part, is a desire for bolivians to be their own bosses and not follow the directives of their neo-colonial masters??
I'm curious -- Jim, you can address it if you want -- about a kind of combination of the previous two questions. That is, is anyone advising the social movements, or talking within the social movements, about how they might do things differently? I say it's a combination of the previous two questions because there are two areas where I see the movements for social justice falling short: 1) tactics, and 2) communication (call it public relations).
Regarding tactics, the fork in the road you mention is a heartbreaking one, because it's largely a fork where each party wants to take the opposite path, and most in both parties want to arrive at the same ultimate destination (roughly).
A few years ago I went to the vain effort of distributing a few pamphlets by Gene Sharp to some of the radical leaders in Bolivia. I'm sure they never even read them, but he and his organization have advised resistance movements in places like Ukraine and Serbia, which have been more successful than many in Bolivia. (See www.aeinstein.org to read more.) It seems Bolivia has a history and a spirit of "lucha" that puts it in a unique position to be a trailblazer in its responses to the kinds of injustices it now faces. It's heartbreaking to see that potential squandered.
Regarding communication, I often feel you are not only the best English language source of information and insight on Bolivia, but among the absolute best period. You recently lamented the way international media juxtaposed educated IMF types and social movement leaders who talked in cliched leftist slogans, giving the impression that the conflict pits intelligent elites against ignorant idiologues. I often lament the same thing, but I must admit that it makes sense to interview the visible leaders, and that is how they tend to talk in interviews. I wonder how easily a journalist who didn't spend years working as closely as you have with the leaders and participants of these movements could be expected to dig up the eloquent explanations you quote. I was in Bolivia during the referendum last year, and I talked to people, and watched tv, and read the newspapers, and still only got rare glimpses of the more nuanced demands of some protest leaders. It was only upon reading the Democracy Center Online that I felt capable of articulating the various arguments strongly myself.
My impressions are two, then: that even many within the movements don't understand the stronger arguments for their positions, and that the leaders are doing a poor job articulating them - to the rank and file, and to the media and the wider world.
So, in addition to tactics, are people like you and the economists and second-tier social movement leaders you've cited in recent weeks working/dialoging with the more visible leaders, or the press, or among themselves about the need to better explain the situation, or, if they are doing so and I'm missing it, how to get the right people to listen? I submit that you could be of much help in this area because you do such a good job yourself.
Peace - Dan
P.S. I certainly agree with Jim that the bulk of the responsibility does not lie ultimately with the Bolivians who are struggling, however effectively, for justice. My questions about the failings of the movements should be understood in the context of wanting to make good movements better and more effective, and not of "blaming the victim." There is no easy answer here, and the resistance to the demands of the people is bound to be fierce regardless of how articulate or strategically adept the protesters are. The only reason I don't comment on the failings of the IMF or the Bolivian government is because Jim has already done that sufficiently. I am more interested in empowering the protesters themselves to do so in a way that brings a just peace to Bolivia as quickly as possible.
Jim... stellar job on Democracy Now! this morning. Your were very articulate and you are giving voice to the voiceless.
In terms of the call for advice that needs to be given to the Social Movements of Bolivia... it seems like it is more appropriate for them to give advice to us in the U.S. and elsewhere. They are nonviolently bringing down a system that has oppressed them for centuries. We need to do the same in the U.S. with the corporacracy.
And regarding the comment of foreign investment bringing jobs for the poor... that is such a small part of the picture compared to the voracious profits that the corporations make at the cost of the poor. Yes, investment may be needed, but only if the Bolivians can have control. If foreign investment is needed, maybe it should come from China or other countries whose goal is not to subjugate countries and abscond with their resources which is what U.S. corporations have done and continue to want to do. And at the same time say... "we are bringing them jobs"
Corporations don't go to countries like Bolivia to create jobs for the poor... they go to steel the resources and pay slave wages. The IMF and U.S. gov. are completely behind this decades long sham.
The Bolivians are the ones who need to be giving others advice on how to break the cycle of economic warfare on the poor.
Thanks for your ongoing excellent analysis and getting the word out in the U.S. and around the world.
adelante!!
andrés
As a U.S. citizen what, if anything, can I do to influence U.S. foreign and investment policy as it relates to Bolivia and the IMF? This is truly an injustice and yet it just seems like the same old story in Latin America and other parts of the globe where democracy is not possible with the IMF calling the shots.
andres, yes, multinationals and most companies, and not just companies from the u.s., are inherently greedy. that's the nature of capitalism -- they are in it to make money not help society. this is the reality of today's world. we all need to deal with it, or try to revive the cold war. thus, what do you do, do you shut out foreign investment because they are guided by profit motive. in poor countries like bolivia they are starving for capital. more so, is privatization viable at all considering the self-interest of companies (u.s. or bolivian)??
I wonder what "advice" the American left would give to Bolivia? Vote for John Kerry? Perhaps they should appeal to the petty officer "swing voters" and compel them to filibuster the next privatiaztion contract that comes down the pipe.
I agree with other comments previously made, we should learn something from the Bolivians. As Jim rightly said on Democracy Now! this morning, this is a practical struggle against practical problems.
Maybe if we here in the US undertook to tackle some of our "practical problems" like the disappearance of any Labor opposition, erosion of abortion rights...etc. we might have a clue to the internal dynamics of the struggles in Bolivia.
With the elites floating ideas about succession and the laboring classes and indigenous movements taking direct action, with the government stuck in the middle, paralyzed....we might want to take some lessons from Alliende and Chile from 1972-73.
Restraining these direct action movements is inviting a military coup. As soon as the movements are successfully de-mobilized, the government is ripe for the picking.
Watching nervously...
Anonymous
It seems to me the crux of the matter is that capitalism as it is practiced in the style of the IMF/World Bank/Investment Centers/Western Governments has ALWAYS extracted wealth at the expense of the people in the countries where that wealth exists. Americans, Europeans, and others who benefit from cheap gas, cheap manufactured goods, and investment opportunity don't seem to care, or don't seem to want to know, how this really takes place; they just want cheap goods and a return on their capital. Until there are enough people in the U.S. and Europe who REALLY CARE about the common folks in Bolivia, the indentured young village girls in India, and the starving and displaced in Africa, I am afraid nothing much will change. I applaud people like Jim Schultze, and those who respond to his comments on this blog. You are obviously people who DO CARE and are willing to get involved to bring about change. I count myself among you and am looking for ways to get more involved and to try to get people to focus on how wealth transfer to the few adversely affects the many. Peace, and thank you for the inspiration and intelligence you all provide and exhibit.
Douglas
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