Monday, June 06, 2005

President Mesa Resigns

Tonight Bolivian President Carlos Mesa gave an address to the nation and announced that he is resigning. The immediate political future of the country is unknown.

Mesa has threatened resignation twice before in recent months but those previous threats were generally viewed as a political ploy, stunts by a former TV newsman to cast a shadow of drama over events and lure support behind him. Tonight Bolivia needs no more drama than it has on the natural. This time, I believe, Mesa’s resignation is real.

"This is as far as I can go," Mesa told Bolivians. "It is my decision as president to present my resignation as President of the Republic."

What does this mean? Here are the three big questions:

1. Will the Bolivian Congress accept the resignation?

Mesa remains Bolivia’s President until the national Congress formally votes to accept his resignation. That could happen Tuesday, assuming that Congress meets. Congress has been prevented from meeting for nearly a week owing to the combination of protesters blocking their way and members from Santa Cruz refusing to come to La Paz. Anything is possible. I can imagine a good portion of Congress, the socialist MAS party included, refusing the resignation until they are satisfied with the terms of succession (see below). On the other hand, Congress may just decide that if they guys wants to go it is time for him to go.

2. Who succeeds Mesa?

Assuming that Congress formally accepts Mesa’s resignation, who replaces him? The line of succession begins with Senate President Hormando Vaca Diez, a Santa Cruz politician who has called on Mesa several times in recent months to “start governing”, shorthand here for sending out the military to deal with protesters. Next in line is the little-known lower house President Mario Cossío. Evo Morales of the MAS and other protest leaders have called on all three political leaders to resign, which would leave the Presidency temporarily in the hands of the President of the Supreme Court and constitutionally trigger new national elections.

3. How will the protest movements react?

The buzz over the weekend here was about a Catholic Church brokered deal in which the government would resign en masse and trigger new elections. Some evidently believed that new elections, in themselves, would provide enough hope for political change to bring the current wave of protests over gas export to a close. That was never a very realistic hope.

The issue in the streets is not who is President; it is who controls the nation’s oil and gas, along with calls for rewriting the Constitution through a national constituent assembly. A snap election in October will be run through the same political rules that people are in the streets protesting against. I don’t see how new elections satisfies anyone.

If the voices in the street spoke to the country’s national leaders in the language of my homestate of California, the message might be, “What part of we want to take back the oil and rewrite the constitution didn’t you understand?”

There is a saying here in Bolivia, Hasta las ultimas consequencias! Literally translated it means, until the final consequences. Politically translated it means, once the people have mobilized past a certain point there is no turning back. The people who are in the streets in La Paz, who are piling up rocks by the kilometer to block roads in and out of Cochabamba, poor farmers who took over a Shell/Enron pumping station earlier today – I don’t see them backing down. Not a Presidential resignation, not a promise of new elections, not even a state of martial law will send them quietly home.

I also don’t want to give readers a false sense of the story here. This is not October 2003 when the country was united broadly in the demand that President Gonzalo Sanchez de Lozada resign. While these protests are fueled by a real intensity on the part of the people engaged in them, a good portion of the Bolivians I talk to are just getting increasingly angry by the inconvenience of it all and the instability they see ahead. I hear more and more twenty somethings talking about leaving. “Bolivia will always be a third world country.” “I don’t see a future for myself here.”

Bolivia tonight is a deeply divided nation with a political course ahead that is very difficult to see.

22 Comments:

Blogger Dan said...

From what I've read so far in the Bolivian press, Vaca Diez has declared that Congress will not meet tomorrow (Tuesday). His excuse: it would not be right to leave the negotiations convened by the Catholic Church in Santa Cruz, where he has been since last week. Sure, blame it on the bishops.

I suspect he recognizes the "hasta-las-ultimas-consequencias" truth Jim has outlined, and is buying time as he weighs his options.

He could step in to "govern," but likely only to kill and maim people, further inflame protests, and likely get bounced out himself. For the ends to justify the means, there has to be some probability of "the ends" ever coming about. So, I would imagine even his Machiavellian instincts are questioning the desirability of the presidency right now.

Besides, what if he goes to La Paz to convene congress and they don't vote to accept the resignation?

Hopefully what he means is that he wants to meet with the Church folks Tuesday to further hammer out a deal in which he and his counterpart in the lower house do resign. A ver...

2:59 AM  
Anonymous Paul said...

How will "rewriting the Constitution through a national constituent assembly" change things?

What are the "same political rules" that people in the streets are protesting against?

8:13 AM  
Anonymous Andrés Thomas Conteris said...

Jim,

Another excellent interview on Democracy Now! this morning, Tuesday. Folks can view it or listen to it on
http://www.democracynow.org/article.pl?sid=05/06/07/1334228

If you or any of your readers knows of Spanish radio stations interested in broadcasting DN! in Spanish, please be in touch with spanish@democracynow.org

I agree with your analysis regarding the problem not being resolved with the current framework which can be very manipulated by the U.S. embassy and the National Endowment for Democracy... an Orwellian title for an organization that really should be called Agency for Manipulating Elections to Favor U.S. Interests.

Hopefully the Constituent Assembly will come about and the Indigenous and other excluded peoples, historically kept out of power can be allowed to nationalize their nations resources for the benefit of the majority and not the transnational corporations, U.S. political interests or the Bolivian oligarchic elite.

I have read that some oil wells and pipelines have been surrounded in the Santa Cruz region. If this is true, it needs to be reported more broadly.

adelante,

andrés

12:27 PM  
Anonymous Paul said...

So are you saying elections in Bolivia are unfair?

"Morales, an Aymara Indian who was expelled from congress in January for his involvement in violent demonstrations against the government's coca eradication policy, will lead the opposition. Morales' Movimiento Al Socialismo finished less than 2 percentage points behind the winner, following inflammatory statements by the U.S. ambassador that boosted Morales from 4th to 2nd place days before the poll. A second indigenous candidate, former guerrilla and national peasant confederation leader Felipe Quispe, won 6.1% of the vote heading his new Movimiento Indígena Pachakutik (MIP). The success of parties that champion the demands of the indigenous majority is revolutionary in a country where no indigenous party had won more than 3 percent of the votes in a national election."

About the author: Donna Lee Van Cott is a professor at the University of Tennessee. She served on the OAS observer mission for the June 30th elections in Bolivia and is writing a book on indigenous peoples’ political parties in the Andes.

August 2002
http://www.focal.ca/pdf/bolivian_elections.pdf

Don't you think it would make more sense to have a properly elected government make decisions about the nationalization of Bolivian resources, rather than a simple popular vote (assuming that's what you would get with a Constituent Assembly--although I admit I'm not too sure what it is).

2:24 PM  
Anonymous Anonymous said...

Some posts here reflect the typical arm's length leftists that pine for socialist goals while ignorign the basic facts about what that entails. To nationalize oil and gas is simply idiotic and is a step back to the 1960's, which was not exactly a golden time for Bolivia. The old YPFB never had much of of a budget to conduct exploration and it is only now, after foreign companies have invested billions, that we know Bolivia is sitting on huge gas reserves. YPFB was a den of corruption so bringing it back is not a step forward.

Nationalization is just the most recent in a series of changing demans. Remember that these protests were about forcing higher taxes on the oil companies, even Evo was circumspect about nationalization. The day after the law was passed, MAS came out demanding to re-write the law to force even higher taxes. Only when he started to realize that he was losing the stage to the more radical group of morons did he adopt nationalization.

This crisis has been brought about by irrational populist demagoguery, nothing more. People do not know what they are protesting about, all they know is that they are being forced to go out under threats.

4:12 PM  
Anonymous MSS said...

Paul asked if it would not make more sense to have a "properly elected government" make these decisions about gas, etc.

The problem is the difficulty of having an election produce any kind of consensus.

While it is true that Morales finished 2 points behind Sanchez de Losada in the 2002 election, neither candidate had even a quarter of the vote.

Congress picks the president from the top two vote-getters (unless one has a majority of the popular vote, which never happens), and it voted for Sanchez, 84-43. In other words, even if Morales had "beaten" Sanchez in the popular vote, Congress would have elected Sanchez. It can pick either the first candidate or the runner up, and it has picked the runner up in past elections. (In 1989, it picked the number 3, as the restriction to the top two is more recent.)

In other words, the party system is hopelessly fragmented. An early election--which would itself be somewhat irregular, even though there is a constitutional mechanism for one—again would not produce a candidate even close to a majority. If anything, MAS (Morales's party) would maybe do a bit better, but would still be outvoted in congress when the new congress convened to pick the president.

As for a constituent assembly, it would depend on how it was elected, but often (i.e. in other Latin American countries) such bodies are elected under different rules than congress. Even more importantly, it would be sovereign, and elected explicitly to draft a new constitution (which could address procedures for nationalization/privatization) and could attempt to find a new governing formula. It would not be bound to pick a single president. The country would probably be governed by some sort of collective caretaker administration till the assembly wrote the new constitution.

It would guarantee no greater stability. But it would give consensus-building and stability a better chance than just convening an election under the current rules, which could deepen the existing polarization and paralysis. In other words, it might not help, but it sure can’t hurt. It’s worth giving it a chance.

The current constitution and election procedures served Bolivia reasonably well when the old parties (MNR, MIR, and ADN) were still the major parties. Now they are all falling apart. Sometimes a fresh start is worth trying.

8:14 PM  
Anonymous Paul said...

"As for a constituent assembly, it would depend on how it was elected, but often (i.e. in other Latin American countries) such bodies are elected under different rules than Congress."

MSS, this sounds very complicated. A constituent assembly might be needed just to determine how to formulate a constituent assembly.

Drafting a new constitution, addressing procedures for nationalization/privatization, and attempting to find a new governing formula all seem very complicated and difficult.

What is it about the way that members of Congress are currently elected that is so distasteful that a constituent assembly is needed in place of Congress?

Would it help if the people got to directly elect their own president?

If the initial election did not produce a simple majority, a runoff election could be held between the top two vote getters.

I'm sure this idea has been considered before. Is there any support for it? Would it help alleviate some of the concerns about Bolivian politics? The costs of holding a second election should seem small compared to the turmoil Bolivia seems to put itself through year after year.

Evo Morales might not win such an election, but he would certainly be able to state his case, and he wouldn't be able to blame Congress or politicians if he lost.

BTW, thanks for the terrific summary.

11:36 PM  
Anonymous MSS said...

Complicated? yeah. Bolivia is very complicated. (By the way, for the record, I am a political scientist, though not specifically a specialist on Bolivia. I have followed the country off and on for years, however.)

Of course, the idea of a popular runoff instead of one in congress has been talked about in Bolivia for years. That’s the way most Latin American presidents are elected. The problem is that a runoff creates a false majority. I mean, with two candidates someone has to get a majority, but it is just by default (i.e. lesser of evils). I actually think the present way of electing the Bolivian president is probably better than a popular two-round election, at least so long as no single party has any chance of winning 35-40%. (If at least one party is that large, then some others tend to coalesce to try to stop it, and pretty soon you have a runoff between two candidates who each got at least a third of the vote in the first round. But Bolivia is nowhere near that.)

Actually, I would recommend that Bolivia go back to letting congress pick from the top THREE, given that making it top two just takes the problem I describe in the above paragraph and replicates it in congress--preventing coalitions from being made more “creatively” and forcing them to pick one or the other of the top two. (And with Morales being one of the top two last time, in reality there was no choice at all. No way Morales was going to get a majority of congress to vote for him.)

I would add that congress ought also have the right, by absolute majority of all members, to remove any president that it has put in and create a new coalition in his place. Sort of a quasi-parliamentary system. (And I say this as someone who generally prefers presidential systems—unlike most political scientists. But not for Bolivia.)

You asked what is wrong with the way congress is elected. Half the members never have to run at all. They are just ranked on the list by the leader, who is also the presidential candidate. They are not accountable at all. It used to be worse. All of them were elected this way. (What political scientists call “closed-list” proportional representation.) Now—since 1993—half are elected in single-member districts. Fine. That is an improvement. But with the party system so fragmented and regionalized (two related, but separate problems), the single-member districts are won in one of two ways (depending on the region):

--completely safe because one party dominates the district, or some local notable wins it without any real opposition (and without party affiliation—he joins a party later)

or

--in a fragmented race, where the winner maybe wins something like 27-26%.

Single-member district plurality elections work best with two big parties. So, Bolivia really has a bad combination. I don’t want to go on too long here (I fear I already have!!). But a system needs to encourage both coalition-building and individual accountability. Personally, I would advocate districts of around 5 seats each and open lists (proportional by party, but candidates within parties ranked by votes received, so they have to be recognized, and few seats are “safe”).

Whether anyone in Bolivia right now wants to hear about such relatively “dry” topics is another matter entirely.

By the way, under the Bolivian constitution, it takes a 2/3 vote of congress to convene a constituent assembly. But last Thursday, Mesa tried to do it by emergency decree. Of course, he has no such authority, so it was effectively a coup. I assume that decree is a dead letter, now that he is (apparently) on his way out.

Thanks to those who are reading this, and especially to Jim Shultz for proving this forum.

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