Bolivia's Election Crisis – A Bolivian Perspective
Readers:
One of our projects here at The Democracy Center aims to let young Bolivians speak with their own voice to foreign audiences about events here. We have a terrific team of young people, from both Bolivia and the US, working on a host of articles. Below is the first, an update and an analysis of the political crisis here that threatens to scuttle the scheduled December 4 elections. Earlier this week Bolivia's President warned that the suspension of the elections would push the country into the "abyss".
The article below was written by activist Boris Rios and adapted to English by Gretchen Gordon, a Democracy Center intern. We plan to continue publishing these so it will be helpful to have your feedback on how you like hearing directly from Bolivians in this way.
Jim
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The Uncertainty of Elections in Bolivia
According to the Bolivian constitution, interim president Eduardo Rodriguez must hold national elections within a timeframe of no more than 180 days from the start of his presidency last June. The realization of these elections, however, remains up in the air due to a recent ruling by Bolivia’s constitutional court. Conflicts surrounding the distribution of congressional seats are now putting elections, scheduled for December 4th, at risk and bringing the country to the brink of a new crisis.
In May and June of 2005, Bolivia was embroiled in mobilizations of various social movements and social sectors motivated by the call for nationalization of the country’s natural gas resources. The protests resulted in the resignation of then president, Carlos Mesa, which ultimately led to the constitutional succession of Bolivia's Supreme Court President, Rodriguez, to the presidency. It’s worth clarifying that Mesa's resignation was not a demand of those mobilized in the streets, but rather an exit of his own choosing.
The Start of the Conflict
Once the date of elections was set for December 4th, three conservative members of congress from the department of Santa Cruz initiated a constitutional challenge to the elections. Their challenge cited electoral law mandating that “the distribution of total seats between departments be determined by law based on the number of their inhabitants, according to the last National Census…” which would be the census of 2001.
If enacted, the demand would decrease the number of congressional seats for the departments of La Paz, Oruro, and Postosi, and increase the number of seats for the departments of Cochabamba and Santa Cruz.
The Constitutional Court upheld the challenge, passing the responsibility of the modification of seat distribution to the Congress.
Now, the National Electoral Court, the institution responsible for the execution of elections, has established a deadline of this Thursday, October 28th, to add and subtract from the list of candidates for seats affected by the constitutional court ruling in order to proceed with elections as scheduled.
The Fight in the Congress
The decrease in seats for the departments of La Paz, Oruro, and Potosi and the increase of the same for Cochabamba and Santa Cruz was immediately rejected by the departments (states) negatively affected.
Yesterday, after weeks of gridlocked negotiations, the congress met for a vote on the various proposals for redistribution. The first proposal, put forth by Santa Cruz, was overwhelmingly rejected; at which point the entire Santa Cruz congressional delegation walked out and returned to Santa Cruz.
Today, the congress is scheduled to reconvene, likely without the representatives from Santa Cruz. While the other affected departments have all reached agreement on a compromise distribution, the Santa Cruz delegation maintains a hard line of nothing less than a gain of 4 seats as in accordance with the census.
The Base of the Conflict
The central theme of the current Bolivian conflict is a political power play in the national Congress that goes hand in hand with a recent shift in economic power. In the years of dictator-turned president Hugo Banzer (who was from Santa Cruz) and since, the elites of Santa Cruz have been the recipients of significant economic support from the Bolivian government. The same investment in industry that increased job opportunities, economic growth, and personal wealth for Santa Cruz’s elite, has led to a corresponding increased in immigration from other regions.
It is not a coincidence that the department of Santa Cruz which has recently been calling for regional autonomy was the instigator of this demand for a redistribution of seats, one which will directly increase the congressional power of the department.
What hangs in the balance is equality between departments: the departments which have suffered economically, and because of this have decreased in size, are struggling against political invisibility and the loss of their voice in government.
As it stands, the current crisis in Bolivia could end in the postponement of elections, putting the country in crisis once again. On one hand, President Rodriguez has promised that whether or not there are elections, he will leave his post at the end of his interim term, potentially leaving the country in a power vacuum. On the other hand, social movements, and specifically the sectors supporting the Movement Towards Socialism party of Evo Morales, see in the conflict a move to prevent the possibility that Morales win the elections and become Bolivia’s next president. Morales is currently leading most public opinion polls.
Because of the looming crisis, president Rodriguez has announced that he is considering issuing an executive decree establishing the number of seats in each region, and holding elections based on that configuration- with or without agreement in congress.
One of our projects here at The Democracy Center aims to let young Bolivians speak with their own voice to foreign audiences about events here. We have a terrific team of young people, from both Bolivia and the US, working on a host of articles. Below is the first, an update and an analysis of the political crisis here that threatens to scuttle the scheduled December 4 elections. Earlier this week Bolivia's President warned that the suspension of the elections would push the country into the "abyss".
The article below was written by activist Boris Rios and adapted to English by Gretchen Gordon, a Democracy Center intern. We plan to continue publishing these so it will be helpful to have your feedback on how you like hearing directly from Bolivians in this way.
Jim
----------------------------------------
The Uncertainty of Elections in Bolivia
According to the Bolivian constitution, interim president Eduardo Rodriguez must hold national elections within a timeframe of no more than 180 days from the start of his presidency last June. The realization of these elections, however, remains up in the air due to a recent ruling by Bolivia’s constitutional court. Conflicts surrounding the distribution of congressional seats are now putting elections, scheduled for December 4th, at risk and bringing the country to the brink of a new crisis.
In May and June of 2005, Bolivia was embroiled in mobilizations of various social movements and social sectors motivated by the call for nationalization of the country’s natural gas resources. The protests resulted in the resignation of then president, Carlos Mesa, which ultimately led to the constitutional succession of Bolivia's Supreme Court President, Rodriguez, to the presidency. It’s worth clarifying that Mesa's resignation was not a demand of those mobilized in the streets, but rather an exit of his own choosing.
The Start of the Conflict
Once the date of elections was set for December 4th, three conservative members of congress from the department of Santa Cruz initiated a constitutional challenge to the elections. Their challenge cited electoral law mandating that “the distribution of total seats between departments be determined by law based on the number of their inhabitants, according to the last National Census…” which would be the census of 2001.
If enacted, the demand would decrease the number of congressional seats for the departments of La Paz, Oruro, and Postosi, and increase the number of seats for the departments of Cochabamba and Santa Cruz.
The Constitutional Court upheld the challenge, passing the responsibility of the modification of seat distribution to the Congress.
Now, the National Electoral Court, the institution responsible for the execution of elections, has established a deadline of this Thursday, October 28th, to add and subtract from the list of candidates for seats affected by the constitutional court ruling in order to proceed with elections as scheduled.
The Fight in the Congress
The decrease in seats for the departments of La Paz, Oruro, and Potosi and the increase of the same for Cochabamba and Santa Cruz was immediately rejected by the departments (states) negatively affected.
Yesterday, after weeks of gridlocked negotiations, the congress met for a vote on the various proposals for redistribution. The first proposal, put forth by Santa Cruz, was overwhelmingly rejected; at which point the entire Santa Cruz congressional delegation walked out and returned to Santa Cruz.
Today, the congress is scheduled to reconvene, likely without the representatives from Santa Cruz. While the other affected departments have all reached agreement on a compromise distribution, the Santa Cruz delegation maintains a hard line of nothing less than a gain of 4 seats as in accordance with the census.
The Base of the Conflict
The central theme of the current Bolivian conflict is a political power play in the national Congress that goes hand in hand with a recent shift in economic power. In the years of dictator-turned president Hugo Banzer (who was from Santa Cruz) and since, the elites of Santa Cruz have been the recipients of significant economic support from the Bolivian government. The same investment in industry that increased job opportunities, economic growth, and personal wealth for Santa Cruz’s elite, has led to a corresponding increased in immigration from other regions.
It is not a coincidence that the department of Santa Cruz which has recently been calling for regional autonomy was the instigator of this demand for a redistribution of seats, one which will directly increase the congressional power of the department.
What hangs in the balance is equality between departments: the departments which have suffered economically, and because of this have decreased in size, are struggling against political invisibility and the loss of their voice in government.
As it stands, the current crisis in Bolivia could end in the postponement of elections, putting the country in crisis once again. On one hand, President Rodriguez has promised that whether or not there are elections, he will leave his post at the end of his interim term, potentially leaving the country in a power vacuum. On the other hand, social movements, and specifically the sectors supporting the Movement Towards Socialism party of Evo Morales, see in the conflict a move to prevent the possibility that Morales win the elections and become Bolivia’s next president. Morales is currently leading most public opinion polls.
Because of the looming crisis, president Rodriguez has announced that he is considering issuing an executive decree establishing the number of seats in each region, and holding elections based on that configuration- with or without agreement in congress.
38 Comments:
What I fail to understand is when the Supreme Court says something in Bolivia must be done to uphold the law, ie. follow the 2001 census figures, why can Congress vote against it?????
Good point. Seems pretty self-serving of the members of Congress to block what seems to be fair process of readjustment. In Canada, where I live, the redistribution of seats is done every 10 years by electoral commissions, based on the results of the previous census. Parties in parliament can object on technical grounds but the final decision rests with the commissions (I just looked this up). Seems Bolivia needs to reform its electoral rules.
Thanks Jim - and Boris - for this concise and factual overview.
"It is not a coincidence that the department of Santa Cruz which has recently been calling for regional autonomy was the instigator of this demand for a redistribution of seats, one which will directly increase the congressional power of the department".
Maybe it would be better to say, "it is not a coinidence that Santa Cruz's recent surge in growth was the instigator of this demand..." Come on, trying to spin this into an elite dominated conspiracy to dominate the Bolivian government is weak. Of course Santa Cruz wants more power in the national government - They want their share of the representation. That's not nefarious and evil as the tone of your article insinuates, that's just a basic premise of representational democracy. It's no wonder they want autonomy.
Boris, ….you and Jim should use more the phrase …”in my opinion…blah, blah, blah”.
You write a factual description of the current events in Bolivia, I am ok with that. But then, you finished with a conclusion (pretending it to be factual) “The Base of the Conflict” …and you fail to mention that is your opinion…because certainly the fact that Santa Cruz happens to be growing economically and migrationally is NOT the base of the conflict….in my opinion.
And then comes the usual justification…blame it on the rich, blame it on the ones that are doing well economicly…thank god the regionalism didn’t surface. Now, ofcourse the rich are not saints…they are as human as the poor are…they have ambition, the diference is in the resources they have to achive their ambitions (self motivation is one of the many resources).
Cochabamba could be an economic power as well…but with so many blockades that Evo and the MAS provide there, they cannot simply let people work…so they migrate to where ever they can make a living.
Santa Cruz demanded to do what the constitution mandates…and the court ruled in favor. Santa Cruz had this right regardless of how filty rich they are….whose to blame here?!…polititians that cook up a deal not to do what the constitution mandates.
In my opinion, the base of the conflict is purely political.
Now here is the concept of representation. Why do we have 2 chanbers in the legislative? The house of representatives represent and equal amount of people…and the senate represent the territory…in Bolivia, 9 departments/States…so that every department/state has the same amount of senators, and should have house member as a function of population.
The constitution sais, enable this concept base on the latest census…but the problem is that it does not say HOW, and even worse…lets congress resolve it….very bad!
Now, President Rodriguez proposed a formula…+2 for Santa Cruz, -1 Potosi, -1 Oruro…NONE for La Paz (state that has the most sits)….IN MY OPINION….very bad unbalance proposition.
What we the people should demand is for congress to solve this problem what ever way they want…give 0 to Santa Cruz, I don’t care, but compromise, to change the law in the “CONSTITUYENTE” (or where ever is legal) so that the distribution of sits is base on a mathematical formula as a function of census…make it in such a way, that congress cannot negotiate on the issue.
Saludos, Javier
What is the problem here? It seems obvious that Santa Cruz has a fair (and legal) complaint. Your article mentions that La Paz rejected the Santa Cruz claim immediately, but on what legal grounds?
I'm probably just ignorant of some key facts, but your article provides no real justification for the resistance to the claims of Santa Cruz. Without details to support the stance of La Paz, the article comes off as having a lot of spin.
So I sincerely ask...Is Santa Cruz clearly in the right, or is there more to the story?
Regarding Jim's inquiry: Yes, this is excellent! "Hearing the voice" of Bolivians on these topics is great. Good idea. Thanks, and keep it up.
Regarding Boris' essay: I belive Boris has failed to make the argument against redistribution of seats according to the most recent census. Because I know these issues are usually more complicated than what meets the eye - especially the eye of someone far away - I have not yet determined for myself what to make of the current conflict.
The most helpful point in the essay is that the most economically devastated regions are the ones to lose population, which results in loss of political power, which I understand could lead to a vicious cycle of decline. A valid concern. It seems, though, that this is a constitutional issue, and should therefore be addressed at the Constituyente and not with regard to the upcoming elections.
I can imagine, though, that there is tension here, since the recent protests were in hopes of triggering the Constituyente, not this election, and now that the election is set to happen before any Constituyente, the results of the election could have an impact on a subsequent Constituyente. Specifically, more seats from Sta. Cruz could lead to more emphasis on autonomy in the new government, and less emphasis on re-writing the Constitution to address perceived failures in political empowerment of poor and indigenous Bolivians.
Some questions:
-To what extent are the aforementioned fears and tensions real, and to what extent do you (bloggers, readers) think they are valid?
- Perhaps more explanation of how the current constitutional/congressional/electoral system works would be helpful. The way regions and parties are represented in government is confusing. Do voters vote for a person for congress, or for a party? Are there both regional/district representatives and national (at-large?) representatives?
- To what extent might the underlying big issue here be a more general approach to government/rule-of-law?
It seems to me that one big problem in Bolivia (and in other "emerging democracies") stems from the following tension: Authority relies on the willingness of those being governed to abide by the system/rules governing them. People must be invested in the success of the system. A lot of people in Bolivia, it seems, are not invested in the success of the democratic system represented by the current government/consitution. That's understandable.
Generally, those who benefit under a system of laws/government (or think they do) are most invested in making it work - even as they work to tweak, improve, and reform it. Those who do not benefit under the system are not invested in sustaining it. So, even if we assume that both groups ultimately want a just society, some are committed to achieving that via some semblance of the current system, while others see the system as irrelevant, or even an obstacle, to achieving justice.
Hence the current debate. Many are arguing the logic of the system; arguing for rule of law, appealing to the constitution and the tribunal, etc.
Opposing the redistribution of seats, I see two groups. One: congresspeople and their party faithful who oppose following the law simply because it will hurt their parties and careers. The other: citizens and social movements who oppose the redistribution because their struggle for justice is unembedded - it is not linked to a strong investment in the current system/constitution. If the constitution is going to hurt their cause, then they have little use for it. They have never experienced the government, the constitution, or Western-style democracy as institutions that create or protect justice, equality, and human dignity, so they do not share the common assumption that rule of law is necessary for establishing a sustainable just peace.
There are strong arguments against this position. Most problematic is the lack of an alternative approach to public affairs that addresses the plurality of ideas and the need for compromise, or reconciliatory politics. But as one critiques the resistence to redistribution, it is also important to recognize that, evidently, the rule of law has simply failed to establish sufficient authority in Bolivia.
Some will say this failure is due to simple, selfish and ideolical refusal on the part of opposition leaders to face reality. But the disenfrachisement and alienation we've witnessed in recent years in Bolivia goes far deeper than a handful of polemical leaders. It is real and widespread. Personally, I believe it is rooted in a continuing history of abuse, exploitation, racism, and all those other socio-historical ills people roll their eyes at.
I sure don't know the answers. There is a serious challenge in the question: if not constitutionality and rule of law, then what?! But I think that question is often posed with a dangerous dismissal of this real, fundamental chasm in Bolivians' stance vis a vis "democracy."
Boris, please, what techniques those guys form the Democracy Center use to wash your brains, KGB’s??; the conflict about the congressional seats did not start last December 2005 due to three conservative members of congress, I am not even going to ask you to explain why you consider them conservatives. It started 3 years ago when, before last election, a similar constitutional challenge was made to the Constitutional Court, which was rejected because the 2001 census was not declared official yet, it was declared official about two months after the election. To bad we needed 3 “conservatives” to make all of us understand that after the census was official, that information had to be used in the upcoming election; which it doesn’t have to necessarily modify the congressional seat like you stated, affecting so many Departments, as I will demonstrate you below.
But before, please again; the base of the conflict doesn’t have to do with the search of political power do to a recent, and let me clarify to you, is not recent, change of economic power from La Paz to Santa Cruz. The movement of political power do to shifting in economy power from one region to other is a common thing and should not represent a conflict in a democracy. The base of the conflict has to do with some of the things Dan, other participant of this Blog, said; let me quote him: “Many are arguing the logic of the system; arguing for rule of law, appealing to the constitution and the tribunal, etc. Opposing the redistribution of seats, I see two groups. One: congress people and their party faithful who oppose following the law simply because it will hurt their parties and careers. The other: citizens and social movements who oppose the redistribution because their struggle for justice is unembedded - it is not linked to a strong investment in the current system/constitution. If the constitution is going to hurt their cause, then they have little use for it”. Way to go Dan, your comments where really deep and interesting.
Ok, now, for those that does not have it clear where the lower chamber seat come in Bolivia, the constitution first said that the upper chamber had to be distributed equally among all departments, did not matter the amount of population, so, all of them have 3 senators. The lower chamber had to be distributed by population using the last official census, so, the next 130 lower chamber seat should look like below, taking in account that each seat represents 63,649 persons:
La Paz. Population = 2,350,466. Legislators should be = 37. Actual = 31.
Santa Cruz. Population = 2,029,471. Legislators should be = 32. Actual = 22.
Cochabamba. Population = 1,455,711. Legislators should be = 23. Actual = 18.
Chuquisaca. Population = 531,522. Legislators should be = 8. Actual = 11.
Oruro. Population = 391,870. Legislators should be = 6. Actual = 10.
Potosí. Population = 709,013. Legislators should be = 11. Actual = 19.
Tarija. Population = 391,226. Legislators should be = 6. Actual = 9.
Beni. Population = 362,521. Legislators should be = 6. Actual = 9.
Pando.Population = 52,525. Legislators should be = 1. Actual = 5.
Why is then, that the actual # of legislator is so fare off, did population change so much?. Not really, the problem of balancing the equity among departments, according to the standard of life, was addressed before this upcoming election and a formula named the Lazarte’s Principle was already being used. This formula stated that no department should have less than 5 legislators in the lower chamber and the constitution was changed adding that the lower chamber seats must be defined according to population and the standard of leaving. Last census indicated that La Paz, Santa Cruz and Cochabamba continue to have higher standards of life than the rest of the Country and this is why today, most of the people still use a minimum of 5 legislators per department. Today, the problem is not, should the seats be re distributed?, only a very few extremists have that position. The question is how do we do it?.
There are several positions, the one most used as the fairest of all is the one that says that Santa Cruz increase 4 and Cochabamba 2 legislators and La Paz reduces 1, Oruro 2, Potosi 2 and Chuquisaca 1 legislator, it is mostly based on population. The second strong position is the one that the president posted; Santa Cruz increases 2 legislators and Oruro and Potosi reduces 1; nobody knows where these numbers came from, many people believe that he just doesn’t want to have problems with the people in La Paz, where he must live until the next elections. Today’s third strong positions, and the one I personally consider is the best one, says that we should not effect the Departments with lower income and population and that we should level the legislators representatives only among the 3 most powerful departments. This leaves those departments as follow:
La Paz. Population = 2,350,466. Legislators should be = 28. Actual = 31.
Santa Cruz. Population = 2,029,471. Legislators should be = 25. Actual = 22.
Cochabamba. Population = 1,455,711. Legislators should be = 18. Actual = 18.
This way the difference among population versus legislators is only 3% of Santa Cruz over La Paz, 2% of Cochabamba over La Paz, and totally equal among Santa Cruz and Cochabamba, percentages that people in La Paz should have no problem on accepting because they are extremely low. As you all can see, we do not necessarily need to mess with all the Departments Boris said.
It seems to me every Bolivian should have equal representation in government, and that would mean distributing the legislators evenly by population. (Although I suspect Potosí has only 15 legislators, not 19, as Paisano de Elite's total actual number of legislator came to 134. Great breakdown, though, PdE.) The departments already get equal representation in the upper chamber, does this non-proportional representation need to be repeated in the lower chamber as well? Is it fair that there is one senator for every 18,000 residents of Pando, but only one senator for every 800,000 residents of La Paz? I suspect that even if Pando had only one legislator, it would get more than its fair share of governmental benefits.
I am not sure where the equality between "standards of life" and "number of representatives in government" came into being. I don't consider Californians to be richer because they have a larger number of representives in Congress than any other state. Apparently La Paz leads by far in Bolivian representation. Should I assume La Paz is the richest department in Bolivia?
I'd also like to say I very much enjoyed the article by Boris Rios. Overall, I thought it was well written. I look forward reading more articles from young Bolivian and American activists.
Perhaps Mr. Rios can someday further explain why he believes "What hangs in the balance is equality between departments: the departments which have suffered economically, and because of this have decreased in size, are struggling against political invisibility and the loss of their voice in government." If the economy in Pando was so bad that only one person remained within its borders, how much of a voice in national government should he get?
I think that one thing that everybody is ignoring is that this is a ploy to avoid having elections in the first place. All the complaints that Santa Cruz made to the Tribunal Constitucional served the purpose of preventing the elections of going forward. Santa Cruz has the most to lose from new elections since the very large subsidies they get from the central government would disappear and they would be forced to pay back many agricultural loans that they have never paid back. Certain areas of Santa Cruz de la Sierra are still considered rural areas even though they are in the center of the city which means teachers are paid extra for working in rural areas that are well inside the city limits.
Congress doesn't want these elections because the traditional parties are going to lose and the specter of an Indian government scares them to death.
I feel we need these elections because the congress we have does not respond to its constituents. New elections might stave off the protests that will inevitably happen. People feel disenfanchised and the political elites have done nothing.
I know it isn't a very popular position and I live in La Paz but I also think that there should be a redistribution of seats. As painful as it would be for certain regions it is the right and legal thing to do.
Do you live in La Paz or the US last anonymous?
Because it seems to me you are celebrating Halloween today with all that witch hunting!
Of course everybody is ignoring "that this is a ploy (from Santa Cruz) to avoid having elections in the first place".
This is a constitutional issue dude!!
Regardles of left or right inclination...the constitution mandates redistribution.
What ever other reson you want to cook up is mearly witch hunting as a function of your ghosts!
Playing with numbers:
Many readers of this blog must be wandering why it’s so difficult to “obey the law” in Bolivia…
In my opinion, part of the problem is the poorly written constitutional text. I’m not good at translating but I will do my best. (Can’t find a good translation for “departamento” the closest will be “state”, but with your acquaintance I will not translate this word).
CPE (“Constitución Política del Estado”).
Art 60-1
“La cámara de diputados se compone de ciento treinta miembros”
No problem here, the lower chamber is made up of 130 members.
…
Art 60-6
“La distribución total de escaños entre los departamentos se determina por ley en base al numero de habitantes de cada uno de ellos, de acuerdo al ultimo Censo Nacional. Por equidad la ley asignara un número de escaños mínimo para los departamentos con menor población y menor grado de desarrollo económico. …”.
…
The first part of this paragraph is clear enough. The distribution of seats among “departamentos” is defined by law on the basis of population in each one of them according to the last Census. (Values of last official census -2001-, can be found in “paisano de elite” post above or the official web page of INE “Instituto Nacional de Estadisticas”: www.ine.gov.bo ).
The second part of the constitutional text Art 60-6 is the source of many subjective interpretations, because it tells you what to do but it doesn’t tell how to do it. In essence it says: By equity the law will assign a minimum number of seats for the “departamentos” with less population and less economic development.
Problems:
- A minimum number of seats; how many? 4?, 3?, 5? Any number? What this minimum means?: does it mean, if you don’t reach this number from the census you are pulled up to that number or it means that you are entitled to the minimum plus the number of seats you gain from the census?
- For the “departamentos” with less population and less economic development? Which ones? Up to now, it has been understood all except La Paz, Cochabamba and Santa Cruz, but the CPE doesn’t say so. In the near future it is possible that we may have a problem with Tarija, it has low population but may become the richest one (per capita), due to the fact that Bolivia’s biggest gas reserves are there.
- By equity?.... What parameters do you use to assess equity? How you do it?
If you start to play with numbers in order to reach a lawful solution that benefits (gain more or lose less) your “departamento”, most likely you will find it. The big problem is to find the magic formula that will make everyone equally happy or unhappy.
Some reflections:
- Most of the formulas I tried give Santa Cruz a better representation, I just wander why it’s so difficult to accept that they deserve it.?
- The “departamentos” with more population (LPZ-CBB and SCZ) have 70% of the population but control only 55% of the lower chamber.
- The “departamentos” with less population and less economic development (all except LPZ-CBB and SCZ), control 67% of the Senate, every Law in Bolivia needs the approval of the Senate, therefore I don’t see any danger of being underrepresented or overridden in any matter.
- The relative representation of La Paz and Santa Cruz looks to me awkward. La Paz has only 15.8% more population than Santa Cruz (2,350,466 vs. 2,029,471), but their actual representation in the lower chamber is 40.9% higher (31 vs. 22 seats). This makes me question why Mr. Boris Rios and the Democracy Center criticize so much Santa Cruz on this subject and almost nothing against La Paz. I hope it’s not because in recent poll’s, Evo Morales (MAS) is running first place in La Paz and third place in Santa Cruz.
Thank you.
This is a test. I just wrote a lot and it got deleted so I'm trying again.
I am a grad student writing a paper on Bolivian indigenous movements as they relate to political parties. I have never lived in Bolivia but am just very interested in this issue. Some questions I have are as follows:
What are the major political parties today doing to incorporate indigenous interests into their ideologies?
Are Bolivia's political parties still mostly patronage based?
Are there too many poltical parties? If so, what is Bolivia's PR threshold? Should it be raised to encourage coalitions between parties?
Would a MAS presidency solve the issue of indigenous enfranchisement or would MAS follow the same patronage-based path as traditional Bolivian political parties?
And finally, does anyone have suggestions as to where I might find a comprehensive list of today's Bolivian political parties and their ideologies?
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