The Serving of Gonzalo Sanchez de Lozada – Postscript
The serving of legal papers on former President Gonzalo Sanchez de Lozada was big news this week in Bolivia, featured (with photos included) in much of the Bolivian press. Here are a few after thoughts on the case and what it means, as well as some thoughts about the flurry of comments on the Blog this week.
First, I offer up a reasonable correction. Sanchez de Lozada is not a convicted criminal. He is the subject of a formal Bolivian government prosecution in its introductory phase. On October 14, 2004 the Congress of Bolivia (dominated, it should be pointed out, by Sanchez de Lozada’s own MNR party and the allies that elected him President) authorized the prosecution of the self-exiled President and a large group of former aides. Most of them have fulfilled their legal obligation to provide testimony so that state legal authorities can determine whether a full prosecution is warranted. Sanchez de Lozada has refused to respond to that legal order, requiring him to return and provide testimony.
Second, the legal service in Washington was a legalized process. In the District of Columbia citizens can serve legal papers to the target of a legal action, provided that the appropriate notarizations are filed, as they were in this instance. That said, I have no doubt that Sanchez de Lozada’s lawyers will claim that the papers have to be served by the US government. If that is the case, the events this week demonstrate how easy it is for regular citizens to do the job that Bolivians have waited four months for the US government to do. The real question here is why the US government hasn’t fulfilled its role.
Third, the actions taken by activists on Washington were cleared carefully by lawyers involved in the case here in Bolivia. Those involved in pressing the case felt it would be an extremely important strategy to light a fire under both the Bolivian and US authorities involved.
Fourth, on this Blog one of the organizers of the meeting where Sanchez de Lozada was served complained about the action as an intrusion. No doubt, all this brought some discomfort to those who thought they were attending a civil gathering over wine and cheese with a former head of state. Weigh that discomfort, however against the pain that Anna Colque’s mother feels in her chest every morning, knowing that the Bolivian government assassinated her daughter on a rooftop and that no one, at any level, has had to pay any price for it. The demand for justice has a way of intruding on people’s happy parties sometimes. That, quite frankly, is a good thing.
Sanchez de Lozada’s precise responsibility is appropriately something to be debated and decided in court. However, he clearly has no intention of letting that happen. It is for that reason that Mr. Sanchez de Lozada can safely assume that every public appearance he now makes it likely to end similarly. Any organization wishing to have him as a speaker should be aware that his dark history in Bolivia will follow him in the room wherever he goes. Wine, cheese, and the demand for justice. That is the menu from here on out.
Let us not forget. Sanchez de Lozada’s actions in October 2003 where not really the stuff of, “well, maybe he went to far, or maybe no.” His own handpicked Vice President, Carlos Mesa, broke with him over the killings that took place here. If you have some problem understanding the significance of that, ponder this question.
How far would George Bush have to go down the road of repression before Dick Cheney made a public statement declaring that the President had gone to far?
On Todos Santos the dead of October and February 2003 came back and tapped Gonzalo Sanchez de Lozada on the shoulder and told him, “Oye, Presidednte, todavia aqui estamos.” Whether and whenever he returns to Bolivia to face the charges of which he is formally accused, those dead will follow him everywhere he goes and most especially to every public appearance he makes in the country that shields him by its official inaction.
First, I offer up a reasonable correction. Sanchez de Lozada is not a convicted criminal. He is the subject of a formal Bolivian government prosecution in its introductory phase. On October 14, 2004 the Congress of Bolivia (dominated, it should be pointed out, by Sanchez de Lozada’s own MNR party and the allies that elected him President) authorized the prosecution of the self-exiled President and a large group of former aides. Most of them have fulfilled their legal obligation to provide testimony so that state legal authorities can determine whether a full prosecution is warranted. Sanchez de Lozada has refused to respond to that legal order, requiring him to return and provide testimony.
Second, the legal service in Washington was a legalized process. In the District of Columbia citizens can serve legal papers to the target of a legal action, provided that the appropriate notarizations are filed, as they were in this instance. That said, I have no doubt that Sanchez de Lozada’s lawyers will claim that the papers have to be served by the US government. If that is the case, the events this week demonstrate how easy it is for regular citizens to do the job that Bolivians have waited four months for the US government to do. The real question here is why the US government hasn’t fulfilled its role.
Third, the actions taken by activists on Washington were cleared carefully by lawyers involved in the case here in Bolivia. Those involved in pressing the case felt it would be an extremely important strategy to light a fire under both the Bolivian and US authorities involved.
Fourth, on this Blog one of the organizers of the meeting where Sanchez de Lozada was served complained about the action as an intrusion. No doubt, all this brought some discomfort to those who thought they were attending a civil gathering over wine and cheese with a former head of state. Weigh that discomfort, however against the pain that Anna Colque’s mother feels in her chest every morning, knowing that the Bolivian government assassinated her daughter on a rooftop and that no one, at any level, has had to pay any price for it. The demand for justice has a way of intruding on people’s happy parties sometimes. That, quite frankly, is a good thing.
Sanchez de Lozada’s precise responsibility is appropriately something to be debated and decided in court. However, he clearly has no intention of letting that happen. It is for that reason that Mr. Sanchez de Lozada can safely assume that every public appearance he now makes it likely to end similarly. Any organization wishing to have him as a speaker should be aware that his dark history in Bolivia will follow him in the room wherever he goes. Wine, cheese, and the demand for justice. That is the menu from here on out.
Let us not forget. Sanchez de Lozada’s actions in October 2003 where not really the stuff of, “well, maybe he went to far, or maybe no.” His own handpicked Vice President, Carlos Mesa, broke with him over the killings that took place here. If you have some problem understanding the significance of that, ponder this question.
How far would George Bush have to go down the road of repression before Dick Cheney made a public statement declaring that the President had gone to far?
On Todos Santos the dead of October and February 2003 came back and tapped Gonzalo Sanchez de Lozada on the shoulder and told him, “Oye, Presidednte, todavia aqui estamos.” Whether and whenever he returns to Bolivia to face the charges of which he is formally accused, those dead will follow him everywhere he goes and most especially to every public appearance he makes in the country that shields him by its official inaction.

The Democracy Center, based in Cochabamba Bolivia and San Francisco California, works globally to advance human rights through a combination of investigation and reporting, training citizens in the art of public advocacy, and organizing international citizen campaigns. If you like the Blog, consider becoming a subscriber to The Democracy Center's free e-newsletter by sending us an email at 
31 Comments:
"too far", not "to far"
perhaps unimportant but grammar kills me
Got me confused Jim, so I had to go and read the same newspapers I assume you did.
You said …” legal service in Washington was a legalized process.”
From Santa Cruz newspaper:*
El ciudadano estadounidense Douglas Hertzler fue el encargado de hacer la entrega del sobre que contenía las listas de fallecidos y heridos durante los conflictos de septiembre y octubre de 2003, una copia de la citación legal para que asuma su defensa y otros documentos relativos al proceso que se le ha iniciado en la justicia boliviana.
La investigadora Carmen Rivera, testigo del apercibimiento, relató a La Prensa que el ex mandatario apenas tuvo los documentos en sus manos por un segundo, para luego dejarlos caer al piso y retirarse a otro ambiente sin hacer comentarios, pero visiblemente incómodo.
I couldn’t find in the papers references to the fact that this, SYMBOLIC ACTION, Jim, is a legal moved that will make Goni return to Bolivia.
El Ministerio Público, pese a poner reparos por la acción, porque podría afectar el curso del proceso que se sigue al ex presidente boliviano, considera que la entrega simbólica de la notificación, demuestra la sencillez de este acto que aún no se concreta oficialmente a nivel de la diplomacia norteamericana.
Might be true what Jim says …” In the District of Columbia citizens can serve legal papers to the target of a legal action, provided that the appropriate notarizations are filed, as they were in this instance.” …well, wouldn’t this be ok for legal cases under DC’s jurisdiction? …wouldn’t an international case be more of a National affair? …otherwise, we wouldn’t need US activist…Bolivians, from the Bolivian embassy would simply go about serving Goni period.
To Jim’s support, Bolivian official are publicly saying that this situation already looks like a cover up from the US government.**
And this was the main and important point the activist did…to show that is pretty easy to serve Goni in his public life he has in DC.
Would be interesting to have some links to official responses from the US government on this issue to have a better picture to what the US claims is the reason not to serve Goni as it should be done.
Saludos, Javier F.
References:
* Notificaron simbólicamente a Goni. EL DEBER - 04 Nov 2005. http://www.eldeber.com.bo/
** Fiscalía constata protección a Goni. LOS TIEMPOS - 05 Nov 2005. http://www.lostiempos.com
I have receieved emails that have accused me of somehow being complicit in the murder of innocent civilians.
To clarify, the organization I run (called Princeton in Latin America (PiLA)) www.princeton.edu/~pila,
sends Princeton graduates to work in Latin America either for a summer internship or for yearlong internships.
I was in La Paz in April of this year meeting with non-profit and governmental organizations from all across the political spectrum. In fact, I was interested in meeting with Jim but did not get a chance to make it to Cochabamba.
Just to give you a sample, here are some of the organizations I met with:
BancoSol
CEDLA – Center of Labor and Agrarian Development Studies
Central Bank of Bolivia
CIES
FINRURAL
Plan International
Quipus Foundation
Save the Children
PiLA changed my life - I spent a year in Costa Rica (2003-2004) working for Oscar Arias at his foundation for peace and human progress. I have since been running PiLA, trying to get more Americans exposed to the development challenges facing Latin America.
The events of black October were tragic, and the buck does stop with Goni. However, it saddens me that so much of the mud that gets slung back and forth on the blogosphere is filled with hate and rhetoric. Blogging has become cliche (guilty as charged - juansonworld.blogspot.com) and I am getting more and more disillusioned with it as it has in many ways cheapened political discourse as people hide behind their computer screens and expouse platitudes. Worse than the talking heads, if you ask me.
Anyways, thats my two cents. If the protesters and the publicity at the event results in sending another Princeton grad to El Alto to work with indigenous women and street children in sexual and reproductive health (as another presenter spoke about) then I am fine with that.
P.S. we receive no money from Princeton University.
P.P.S.
Could someone email me the links to all the Bolivian news articles to pila@princeton.edu?
I would love to see them.
I don't know if this clears or further muddies the waters, but I inquired about the serving of these documents at our law school here at Seattle University, and got the following response from a prof. in human rights law:
I don't know the complete answer to this given that it's a criminal law and international criminal procedure question (which is not something I know much about), and would need more information. For eample, the email refers to an extradition request, which usually happens if someone is arrested.
Anyway, typically, service is service - so a subpoena can basically be served anywhere. Often, though subpoenas are not good if the individual is more than x miles away from where they are to appear. If that's the case, then typically you would get a court that has jurisdiction over the defendant where he is served to issue the subpoena. I other words, even if he was served with a subpoena from a Bolivian court, the fact that he was served outside the Bolviian court's jurisdiction would mean really that there is no "power" to enforce it. THus, unless a subpoena was issued by a D.C. court, which does not seem to be the case, then there would be no court who could enforce the subpoena.
The one exception is if there is a treaty between Bolivia and the U.S. - an extradition treaty - wherein the Bolivian government can ask the U.S. to enforce such subpoenas and get him and send him to Bolivia.
The question to me seems to be more about extradition law than how papers are served, anyway. I (not a lawyer) think that whether or not the US serves Goni or arrests him or sends him to Bolivia is more complicated than simply whether or not they have an extradition treaty.
As I understand it, a country does not extradite somebody for something they could not be similarly prosecuted for in that country.
Also, there is usually a certain process somewhat akin to a grand jury, I think, in which the merits of the case are somehow weighed; other factors might also be considered. Remember Pinochet in England (I know he was at least arrested and the case was officially and publicly considered, but the fact is that England wasn't obligated to extradite him to Spain or Chile). Here, the 'genocide' charge may really hurt this case, since it does seem to me a legal shot in the dark.
And that brings me to another issue I think complicates things: there is, I believe, some kind of official impunity for heads of state. I know impunity is always a source of outrage, particularly in the context of wider corruption and injustice, but I think it's written right into these kinds of laws. What is not clear to me is whether it refers only to someone who is head-of-state at the time of the extradition request, or if it also works if they were in office, as Goni was, at the time of the crime. I read about it recently when there was talk of extraditing the pope - I think having to do with a decision he made years ago regarding some priest sex abuse thing. It was determined that he could not be extradited because the Vatican is a state, and the pope is therefore legally considered a head of state.
These are the kinds of cases where international tribunals are needed, and the US, of course, refuses to sign on to a permanent one, preferring instead to have them created for particular cases as they arise.
Personally, I would like to see Goni held accountable in Bolivia, even as I recognize (as described above) how unlikely this probably is. I don't care if he is ultimately punished, but I think a trial would be good for the people if the truth came out.
i agree with the first part of what "dan" said. i would like to say, though, that extradiction in no way is a formal must do for any nation unless the two countries (the one requesting and the one recieving) have some sort of agreement (not over this specific instance but all extradictions and handlings of fugitives)...
in normal US typicality (and bear that i live in the US) our government will readily extradict poorer peoples (especially back to mexico and other latin countries) but has a really hard time grasping the whole "extradict the tyrant who killed while justifying it as "his rule" concept...unless, of course, the guy's name sounds middle-eastern.
ick. in any case, there's something good about something like this (MS-13, or is it 12, a international gang) and i think its on the ny or la times (.com)...
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The serving of legal papers on former President Gonzalo Sanchez de Lozada was big news this week in Bolivia, featured (with photos included) in much of the Bolivian press. Here are a few after thoughts on the case and what it means, as well as some thoughts about the flurry of comments on the Blog this week. costa rica real estate First, I offer up a reasonable correction. Sanchez de Lozada is not a convicted criminal. He is the subject of a formal Bolivian government prosecution in its introductory phase. On October 14, 2004 the Congress of Bolivia (dominated, it should be pointed out, by Sanchez de Lozada’s own MNR party and the allies that elected him President) authorized the prosecution of the self-exiled President and a large group of former aides. Most of them have fulfilled their legal obligation to provide testimony so that state legal authorities can determine whether a full prosecution is warranted. Sanchez de Lozada has refused to respond to that legal order, requiring him to return and provide testimony.
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A defendant or an individual’s attorney can accept a complaint or other petition without having the sheriff or process server show up at the door. march madness Acceptance of Service must be in writing or there is no proof that the service took place. Most jurisdictions require a form entitled Receipt and Acknowledgment of Acceptance of Service.
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