Bolivia’s Elections on Sunday – What to Watch For
Many eyes, both in Bolivia and around the world, will be focused on tomorrow’s important national elections. However, what the vote means and how it will play out over the next few weeks requires a bit of local understanding and analysis. Remember (as so few foreign reporters seem to): Winning first place does not mean you are elected President. Not unless you win 51% of the vote, which no one seems likely to. The winner will be selected, from among the top two finishers, by Congress in January
Here’s what The Democracy Center will be watching for and what our readers might want to watch for as well:
The Results of the Popular Vote
This is obvious, but there are nuances to look for. Polling results have been pretty much the same since the start of the campaign: Evo Morales in first with somewhere between 34-37% of the vote, Tuto Quiroga in second with 25-27%, Samuel Doria Medina coming in third at around 15% and the rest trailing below 10%. There may be some late switching from Medina to the marginal MNR candidate. In other words, as far as the polling goes, no late surge for either of the top two.
However, the actual voting could yield results very different.
Clearly if any candidate has popular momentum at the end it is Morales. Witness the fact that his end-of campaign victory rally in Cochabamba was held in a soccer stadium while Quiroga’s was held in a small city plaza. Does a last minute surge or a countryside vote not reflected in the polls push Morales and MAS past 40%? From the conversations I have had with people here, 40% seems like the psychological barrier in which a Morales presidency moves from being a negotiable possibility to a something almost undeniable.
Conversely, if Morales does worse than the polls suggest, less than 30% for example, and Quiroga does better, a Quiroga presidency in alliance with other parties seems much more likely.
The strongest likelihood is a vote result similar to the current polling, which leads us to the next thing to watch.
How the Popular Vote Translates into Congressional Numbers
As we, and many other Bolivia watchers, have pointed out, the popular vote does not translate directly into the way in which seats will be apportioned in Congress. Senators are elected by department and in many of the smaller ones Quiroga is likely to win. That and a number of other complicated congressional vote arrangements means, in all likelihood, that Quiroga will end up with a higher proportion of the vote in the Congress than he will in the popular vote, though still a wide gap shy of 51%
The “Smoke Signals” from Morales, Quiroga, Dora Medina, and the US
Four key players will be looking at Sunday’s results and making some hard choices. How they are thinking about those choices is likely to be reflected in their public comments in the first few days. These include:
Evo Morales: Is he going to push hard for the presidency? As we have noted on the Blog for weeks, Morales and MAS will take a look at their vote results and make a choice whether they want to make the political deals required to win 51% in Congress or whether they think they are better off as the opposition to a Quiroga government focusing pressure on a quick convening of a constituent assembly to rewrite Bolivia’s constitution. Watch Morales’ post election comments. If he and MAS use wording like “inevitable” to describe his election to the Presidency, that means MAS is deciding to bring all the pressure and deal making it can to bear on making that happen.
Tuto Quiroga: Does he want to be President after a weak second place finish? Similarly, Quiroga will need to decide whether he wants to try and wheel and deal a second place finish, potentially a weak one, into a vote in the Congress to make him president. More than a few here have questioned whether he has the fire in the belly to do that and he himself has made numerous comments that he will not seek the presidency if he does not finish first. Moving back to the US again with his family and making some money could look like a sweeter option than trying to govern a fractious nation on the basis of a quarter of the popular vote. Watch the nuances as well for how tough Quiroga sounds about winning the vote in the Congress.
Samuel Dora Medina: Does he sound like he is ready to dance with Morales or Quiroga? If both Morales and Quiroga choose to seriously contest the vote in the Congress, Doria Medina will likely be the kingmaker to either. His comments and the order in which he meets with his two rivals will also offer insight into both his intentions and the negotiations underway behind the scenes.
The US Government: Is Evo acceptable? I think that a good part of both Quiroga’s and Doria Medina’s decisions will be influenced by the moves of the US government. You can bet that by the end of the day Monday the Ambassador will have had telephone conversations if not meetings with both. Will the US decide to use its influence to do all it can to block a Morales presidency? Will it signal, in the case of a strong Morales finish, that it is ready to “work constructively with anyone the Bolivian people chose to elect?” Watch closely for what the US Embassy has to say. Watch also for whether the US statements come from Washington instead of La Paz. That would mean something, either way, even more serious.
The Blog and Comments Posted Here
The Democracy Center will be talking all weekend and all week with the various sources we have here and we’ll be writing as often as we need, to provide updated news and analysis. Among our readers and commenters are also many people with a deep understanding of Bolivian politics and wide contacts. We encourage you to post those views, as you always do, on this Blog so that it can become a key information source as events unfold.
Here’s what The Democracy Center will be watching for and what our readers might want to watch for as well:
The Results of the Popular Vote
This is obvious, but there are nuances to look for. Polling results have been pretty much the same since the start of the campaign: Evo Morales in first with somewhere between 34-37% of the vote, Tuto Quiroga in second with 25-27%, Samuel Doria Medina coming in third at around 15% and the rest trailing below 10%. There may be some late switching from Medina to the marginal MNR candidate. In other words, as far as the polling goes, no late surge for either of the top two.
However, the actual voting could yield results very different.
Clearly if any candidate has popular momentum at the end it is Morales. Witness the fact that his end-of campaign victory rally in Cochabamba was held in a soccer stadium while Quiroga’s was held in a small city plaza. Does a last minute surge or a countryside vote not reflected in the polls push Morales and MAS past 40%? From the conversations I have had with people here, 40% seems like the psychological barrier in which a Morales presidency moves from being a negotiable possibility to a something almost undeniable.
Conversely, if Morales does worse than the polls suggest, less than 30% for example, and Quiroga does better, a Quiroga presidency in alliance with other parties seems much more likely.
The strongest likelihood is a vote result similar to the current polling, which leads us to the next thing to watch.
How the Popular Vote Translates into Congressional Numbers
As we, and many other Bolivia watchers, have pointed out, the popular vote does not translate directly into the way in which seats will be apportioned in Congress. Senators are elected by department and in many of the smaller ones Quiroga is likely to win. That and a number of other complicated congressional vote arrangements means, in all likelihood, that Quiroga will end up with a higher proportion of the vote in the Congress than he will in the popular vote, though still a wide gap shy of 51%
The “Smoke Signals” from Morales, Quiroga, Dora Medina, and the US
Four key players will be looking at Sunday’s results and making some hard choices. How they are thinking about those choices is likely to be reflected in their public comments in the first few days. These include:
Evo Morales: Is he going to push hard for the presidency? As we have noted on the Blog for weeks, Morales and MAS will take a look at their vote results and make a choice whether they want to make the political deals required to win 51% in Congress or whether they think they are better off as the opposition to a Quiroga government focusing pressure on a quick convening of a constituent assembly to rewrite Bolivia’s constitution. Watch Morales’ post election comments. If he and MAS use wording like “inevitable” to describe his election to the Presidency, that means MAS is deciding to bring all the pressure and deal making it can to bear on making that happen.
Tuto Quiroga: Does he want to be President after a weak second place finish? Similarly, Quiroga will need to decide whether he wants to try and wheel and deal a second place finish, potentially a weak one, into a vote in the Congress to make him president. More than a few here have questioned whether he has the fire in the belly to do that and he himself has made numerous comments that he will not seek the presidency if he does not finish first. Moving back to the US again with his family and making some money could look like a sweeter option than trying to govern a fractious nation on the basis of a quarter of the popular vote. Watch the nuances as well for how tough Quiroga sounds about winning the vote in the Congress.
Samuel Dora Medina: Does he sound like he is ready to dance with Morales or Quiroga? If both Morales and Quiroga choose to seriously contest the vote in the Congress, Doria Medina will likely be the kingmaker to either. His comments and the order in which he meets with his two rivals will also offer insight into both his intentions and the negotiations underway behind the scenes.
The US Government: Is Evo acceptable? I think that a good part of both Quiroga’s and Doria Medina’s decisions will be influenced by the moves of the US government. You can bet that by the end of the day Monday the Ambassador will have had telephone conversations if not meetings with both. Will the US decide to use its influence to do all it can to block a Morales presidency? Will it signal, in the case of a strong Morales finish, that it is ready to “work constructively with anyone the Bolivian people chose to elect?” Watch closely for what the US Embassy has to say. Watch also for whether the US statements come from Washington instead of La Paz. That would mean something, either way, even more serious.
The Blog and Comments Posted Here
The Democracy Center will be talking all weekend and all week with the various sources we have here and we’ll be writing as often as we need, to provide updated news and analysis. Among our readers and commenters are also many people with a deep understanding of Bolivian politics and wide contacts. We encourage you to post those views, as you always do, on this Blog so that it can become a key information source as events unfold.

The Democracy Center, based in Cochabamba Bolivia and San Francisco California, works globally to advance human rights through a combination of investigation and reporting, training citizens in the art of public advocacy, and organizing international citizen campaigns. If you like the Blog, consider becoming a subscriber to The Democracy Center's free e-newsletter by sending us an email at 
20 Comments:
You present an interesting quandry. If Evo gets more than 40% he should "compromise" but if he gets less he should become oppsotitional. As we know, oppositional in Bolivia means a low-grade war where trade and commerce are shut down and poor people are forced to pay jacked-up prices in the market.
Shouldn't it be the other way around? If Evo gets a strong polling it would mean he truly has more support (but less than 50%) and thus, a more legitimate reason to harm the populace with oppositional tactics. On the other hand, if he gets a smaller vote, say 35% wouldn't it be more appropriate to compromise and work things out democratically?
Instead we are told Evo would take a low vote as an indication that he should hit the streets and muck up the country. Shouldn't that be a signal to him that he just doesn't have widespread support?
If both Tuto and Samuel are tools of larger evil forces, and if they together get more than 50% isn't that a huge democratic signal that the left doesn't have support? I don't think that everyone who votes for these two agree with their outlook but instead, they disagree with the left's tactic of using the streets to manage politics. What is fascinating is that by not voting for Evo because of their disagreement with his tactics, according to Jim, they may be inadvertantly bringing about those tactics by pushing him into an oppositional stance because of a lack of votes. Very interesting.
I think it is worth pointing out, in the midst of analyzing a democratic contest and in light of the common and logical sentiments expressed in the first comment above, that part of the reason for the popular support for Evo, the push for a Constituent Assembly, and the common recourse to street tactics here, is the fact that democracy simply hasn't caught on with a large part of the poor, indigenous majority in Bolivia. It has not worked for them. It has not made life better. So, the pursuit of justice and a new political system is a higher priority for much of the Evo camp than is majority rule. That seems unfair to people who feel they've been well-represented or somehow benefited from democracy, but it makes sense if you consider that not too much has changed for much of Evo's constituency since the introduction of democratic elections here.
Also, the feeling is that those who oppose such change - or at least oppose the candidates pursuing it - even if they are the majority, are either wealthier, whiter people who benefit from an unjust status quo, or poor people who've been manipulated into voting against their own self-interest.
It is interesting to contrast with the U.S. or many other democracies. The central challenge a constitutional democracy seeks to address is the balance between respecting the will of the majority, and protecting the rights of minorities. So, struggles like the 1950s-1960s movement for civil rights in the US fit that mold - the minority Black population struggling for rights in a system dominated by whites. In Bolivia, however, it is the majority indigenous population that is poor and feels largely unprotected under the current "democratic" system. That said, to the extent that democracy is defined simply by the holding of elections, Bolivia does have democracy.
From here stems the debate we are witnessing in these comments and throughout Bolivia, between those who equate democracy as it currently exists with justice, and those who have experienced the two to be quite unrelated. Taking this into account, it is interesting that Evo and his consituents have not given up on the potential of democracy altogether. They continue to struggle on both fronts - contesting elections, but still willing to hit the streets if need be, in the pursuit of social justice.
The "grand experiment" we so often talk of when discussing U.S. democracy is really hardly treated as an experiment at all any more. If DeTocqueville were alive today, I believe he'd be in Bolivia, and he'd be enthralled.
Finally, I've been talking to everyone I meet here (Cochabamba and La Paz) for the last 9 days about the elections, and they are 99% for Evo, but I've been most impressed by what seems a universal realism. Nobody thinks things won't get bad again before they get better, and nobody thinks Evo is the solution to all their problems. They all explain very clearly - some noting that they supported Tuto, Banzer, Goni, and others in the past - that they simply see that the country wants and needs change, and Evo will at least try for it and move things somehow, however slowly, toward a better future. I've heard better analysis from taxi drivers and storekeepers here than I heard on CNN or read in the major US newspapers leading up to the US elections last fall. That, more than any political leader, gives me much hope.
As Dan said above, Bolivia needs change. Anyone following Bolivia’s politics for the last few years would agree that someone like Tuto, resembling Goni, Banzer, Mesa, probably won’t last more than a year. Bolivia is fed up with this same old party. With the country’s activism rapidly shifting, and the right issues now on the table, even though Tuto seems like he’ll come in second, the real representatives of Bolivia’s political future are Evo and farther left, and Doria Medina.
The only way Quiroga could stay for more than year is if he was a puppet for one or the other two parties, meaning he was completely subject to his opposition’s demands and wishes. This actually resembles the history of Bolivia’s indigenous movements in some ways. When they have gained power in the past, 1782, there has always been an inclusion of the Mestizo/Creole population in the new state, simply at a less represented and more prescribed position. In We Alone Will Rule, Sinclair Thompson describes one project created by indigenous leaders in the late 1700s in which Whites and Mestizos, who were trying to run away into exile, were required to participate in Ayllu democracy by taking on some of the rotating jobs and responsibilities, the holding of which come as great financial burdens. Making Quiroga take the presidency as well as fulfilling the country’s demands would not be all that out of the ordinary.
Either way, the country has split. Those who see the U.S. on the side of Tuto and Doria are of course right. Tuto would be better for them because if he can maintain power (as I say is impossible), because he would keep more of the population under control. Doria seems like a more probably successful option of the U.S. as his constituency wishes to declare its “autonomy”, (a word that has gained international support under completely different circumstances- never underestimate the power of the Bush administration to change the definition of concepts to fit their political line), and take the natural gas, oil and the timber above them for themselves. The U.S. will help in a fight for this, but doesn’t see Tuto as really being a successful strategy other than perhaps to buy some time before a more sustainable (albeit less democratic) solution can foment. Of course this is all speculation and I have no sources in the White House, but I’m an American citizen and have watched my government’s use of the NED and IRI to fund “democratic” oppositions in many countries in this hemisphere. This is not a new line of thinking.
I think your approach relays too much on personalities, I'd be much more interested in the stregth at ground level from basis such as social mouvements, public opinion and so.
Best regards
DAN:
99% for MAS? Could you please list the places that you have found this to be true?
If I were to go the campus of UPB (Universidad Privada Boliviana), I would find that 99% are for Tuto. If I were to go on Avenida Pando on a Friday night, I would find 99% for Tuto.
I would not use that information to say that 99% of Cochabamba is supporting PODEMOS.
RE:Eduardo's commment: I did not say, nor did I mean to imply, that 99% of La Paz or Cbba is for Evo. I assumed that readers here know the difference between a reliable poll and "everyone I meet here." That said, if you are interested in the methodology used to arrive at a personal anecdote, the people I talked to included: friends; people working for the Catholic Church; taxi drivers (the classic anecdotal resource of foreign journalists, but I'm not a journalist); my old neighbors in Alto Chijini, La Paz; my relatives; friends of relatives; and secondary sources telling similar anecdotes. My point, though, in commenting on those conversations, was the realism with which these MAS voters approach the elections.
For people curious about percentages, I think the Democracy Center has already laid out what's in the polls and some different ways of interpreting them. As for me, I'll find out the actual numbers the same way everyone else will (barring fraud): watching the results after the voting ends tonight. If anyone gets 99%, I'll be as incredulous as Eduardo.
I live in Cochabamba, right next door to the Corte Electoral. Today my daughter and I went for a bit of a walk around our area and passed 5 schools that are voting sites for the day. With no cars around it's a very pleasant day - except for the intense heat that has just been broken by a downpour of much needed rain. The Corte has been pretty busy but the atmosphere is one of smooth order. The schools have lines wiggling through their cement courtyards but there too the atmosphere is patient and productive. All elegible Bolivian citizens must vote and my daughter's stroller is one of the many I have seen this morning as parents of all shapes and sizes walk to vote. Unlike the hysteria you read in the papers, today has been a wonderful example of orderly democracy at work. Bravo Cochabambinos!
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