And Now the Governors Jump In
Here's the latest turn in the renewed political battle over whether the building blocks of a new constitution require a super majority of 2/3 for approval in the Constituent Assembly (there is no dispute over the fact that the final document requires a 2/3 vote for approval.).
Now six of Bolivia's state governors have jumped in. On Saturday the governors of the departments of Santa Cruz, Beni, Tarija, Pando, Cochabamba and La Paz announced that they are "breaking relations" with the national government of President Morales over the MAS-led vote at the Assembly Friday to allow the pieces of the new proposal to be approved by a simple majority.
What "breaking relations" means at this point is unclear. More than anything, for now, the declaration is most significant for what it signals about the hot and shifting winds of Bolivian politics.
For the first time, since the new governors took office at the start of this year, they are each directly elected by the voters in their respective regions. Prior to that governors were always direct appointees of the President. Their popular election was one of the reforms that came out the political convulsions here last year.
I have said for months, it is really the governors, not the leaders of the opposition parties in Congress, which are the serious political counterweights to Morales and MAS. If you want to see who will contest for the Presidency at the end of Evo's term, look to them. That said, what is significant about the declaration is not that the governors (prefectos) of Santa Cruz, Beni, Tarija, and Pando have challenged Morales. They, after all, represent the so-called "media luna" along Bolivia's east where protests against Morales and the government are becoming a staple.
No, what is significant is the political calculation by José Luis Paredes (aka Pepe Lucho), of La Paz and Manfred Reyes Villa (aka Bon Bom) of Cochabamba to join the fray. The two are on very similar trajectories. Both were mayors of big cities in their region (El Alto and Cochabamba, respectively). Both were just elected governor a year ago in departments with solid MAS majorities for President. And both have pretty obvious presidential ambitions. Reyes Villa ran in 2002 and was the front runner until the very end when he was finally undone by a targeted campaign against him by Gonzalo Sanchez de Lozada.
Both have also been noticeably absent, until now, from the political noise at the national level – leaving that to the opposition parties PODEMOS and UN.
Ryes Villa, for months, has reminded me of Dory, one of the fish characters in the movie, "Finding Nemo" (Can you tell I have a four-year-old?). Amidst panic and chaos on all sides, she blissfully keeps singing to herself, "Just keep swimming. Just keep swimming." For months Manfred's political slogan has seemed to be, "Just keep building. Just keep building" as our Sunday papers are filled with full color state-financed ads for the latest ribbon the new governor has cut.
It has also been a pretty good strategy. While national politicians battle, Manfred just keeps racking up more credits for paved streets, work on the Misicuni dam, and a newly color-lit Jesus. That simultaneously avoids angering the MAS base he needs to mine if he runs national again and builds his image as a man "who knows how to govern." He may well be betting that the latter is just the right way to position himself for a post-Evo election.
So, why the dive into turbulent national political waters? Maybe it really is about political principle. Sometimes politicians do act on those. But as I wrote in my last posting, I think principle is less the issue here than power politics by both sides. More likely it is a measure of how one of the most skilled politicians in the country reads the winds here. I can't believe that either Reyes Villa or Paredes would have done this if they didn't think there was a reservoir of public concern about MAS simple-majority move in the Assembly. Consider the two barometers.
Meanwhile the MAS government has responded by announcing that it will ask to Congress to censure the six governors and open investigations into "irregularities" in their administrations.
Tonight the question in Bolivia remains the same as it was during the last round of heightened tensions – when the four departments staged their anti-Evo general strikes in September. Is all this the precursor to a real national meltdown and conflict (that could get ugly fast) or just the loud noise of rival political forces trying to undermine the power of the other in ongoing negotiations about Bolivia's future?
Now six of Bolivia's state governors have jumped in. On Saturday the governors of the departments of Santa Cruz, Beni, Tarija, Pando, Cochabamba and La Paz announced that they are "breaking relations" with the national government of President Morales over the MAS-led vote at the Assembly Friday to allow the pieces of the new proposal to be approved by a simple majority.
What "breaking relations" means at this point is unclear. More than anything, for now, the declaration is most significant for what it signals about the hot and shifting winds of Bolivian politics.
For the first time, since the new governors took office at the start of this year, they are each directly elected by the voters in their respective regions. Prior to that governors were always direct appointees of the President. Their popular election was one of the reforms that came out the political convulsions here last year.
I have said for months, it is really the governors, not the leaders of the opposition parties in Congress, which are the serious political counterweights to Morales and MAS. If you want to see who will contest for the Presidency at the end of Evo's term, look to them. That said, what is significant about the declaration is not that the governors (prefectos) of Santa Cruz, Beni, Tarija, and Pando have challenged Morales. They, after all, represent the so-called "media luna" along Bolivia's east where protests against Morales and the government are becoming a staple.
No, what is significant is the political calculation by José Luis Paredes (aka Pepe Lucho), of La Paz and Manfred Reyes Villa (aka Bon Bom) of Cochabamba to join the fray. The two are on very similar trajectories. Both were mayors of big cities in their region (El Alto and Cochabamba, respectively). Both were just elected governor a year ago in departments with solid MAS majorities for President. And both have pretty obvious presidential ambitions. Reyes Villa ran in 2002 and was the front runner until the very end when he was finally undone by a targeted campaign against him by Gonzalo Sanchez de Lozada.
Both have also been noticeably absent, until now, from the political noise at the national level – leaving that to the opposition parties PODEMOS and UN.
Ryes Villa, for months, has reminded me of Dory, one of the fish characters in the movie, "Finding Nemo" (Can you tell I have a four-year-old?). Amidst panic and chaos on all sides, she blissfully keeps singing to herself, "Just keep swimming. Just keep swimming." For months Manfred's political slogan has seemed to be, "Just keep building. Just keep building" as our Sunday papers are filled with full color state-financed ads for the latest ribbon the new governor has cut.
It has also been a pretty good strategy. While national politicians battle, Manfred just keeps racking up more credits for paved streets, work on the Misicuni dam, and a newly color-lit Jesus. That simultaneously avoids angering the MAS base he needs to mine if he runs national again and builds his image as a man "who knows how to govern." He may well be betting that the latter is just the right way to position himself for a post-Evo election.
So, why the dive into turbulent national political waters? Maybe it really is about political principle. Sometimes politicians do act on those. But as I wrote in my last posting, I think principle is less the issue here than power politics by both sides. More likely it is a measure of how one of the most skilled politicians in the country reads the winds here. I can't believe that either Reyes Villa or Paredes would have done this if they didn't think there was a reservoir of public concern about MAS simple-majority move in the Assembly. Consider the two barometers.
Meanwhile the MAS government has responded by announcing that it will ask to Congress to censure the six governors and open investigations into "irregularities" in their administrations.
Tonight the question in Bolivia remains the same as it was during the last round of heightened tensions – when the four departments staged their anti-Evo general strikes in September. Is all this the precursor to a real national meltdown and conflict (that could get ugly fast) or just the loud noise of rival political forces trying to undermine the power of the other in ongoing negotiations about Bolivia's future?

The Democracy Center, based in Cochabamba Bolivia and San Francisco California, works globally to advance human rights through a combination of investigation and reporting, training citizens in the art of public advocacy, and organizing international citizen campaigns. If you like the Blog, consider becoming a subscriber to The Democracy Center's free e-newsletter by sending us an email at 
20 Comments:
Pretty good post this time I might confess, but it will be necessary some clarifications in order to understand why Manfred (Bom Bom) Reyes Villa and Pepe Lucho Paredes are breaking relations with the MASS regimen.
It is not true that “there is no dispute over the fact that the final document requires a 2/3 vote for approval”. Since you should have continue writing that according to the MASS imposition, if the final text is not approved after, I believe, three voting’s, it will go to the urns where it will only need 50% + 1 of the votes to be approved. Leaving the Regimen with no need too negotiate nor compromise with anybody.
Why are Manfred and Pepe Lucho interested on this not to happen? Because if the MASS regimen is allowed to define each word of the new Constitution; they can forget about running for any future elections.
The Regimen is very clear in their totalitarian and racist agenda, where they want to use the Constituent Assembly to redesign the Country according to what they consider the “originarian” ethnic groups are distributed. This will mean that the democratically elected Governors must go because after the Constituent, their states will not be what they use to be, physically.
Never less, with the MASS Constituents without any control, they will write whatever is dictated by the Government in the same “dictatorial democracy Hugo Chavez did in Venezuela”. It will be like allowing an Executive Government under a Presidency to do anything they want in a Country without the control of the legislative and the judiciary, a plain and simple dictatorship.
It is sad to read Jim writing, “To be sure, in Bolivia, there is a reasonable debate to be had over principle on simple majority vs. 2/3”. I can only hope that the people that are fool enough to donate money to his organization understand the big mistake they are committing. Off course, by this time, it is very possible that the democracy center is living with Chavez’s Petrodollars alone.
Also, not sure why no mention (since many readers probably don't know, so it's good journalist form to give "context") that Paredes & Reyes Villa were elected as de facto Podemos candidates. Actually, Paredes *WAS* an official Podemos candidate (though he has his own party, Plan Progreso). Reyes Villa was technically elected as the AUN candidate, but Podemos didn't contest the election & in fact endorsed Reyes Villa. Whether or not they've been "absent" of the debate (I disagree, I think they've been plenty active), both are clearly *PART* of the Podemos-led opposition. They've been members of that opposition since October 2005 (during the pre-electoral campaigns).
I also agree, as the current rules stand, there is no 2/3 vote required to approve any new constitution. Since MAS has enough votes to put through any document proposals (either piecemeal or as a package), all that stands in the way is a 2/3 vote to approve the final draft. But if the constituent assembly can't pass it, it goes to a popular vote where only a simple majority is needed.
And let me stress that all that's needed is a majority of the total "valid" votes cast. Imagine that you had only 70% voter turnout, w/ 20% blank or null votes, and a victory of 51-49. Mathematically? That means that the constitution was approved by 42.5% of all votes cast, and only 34% of all registered voters. Anyone doubt the regime (and regime or party!) can find ways to decrease turnout or "valid" votes to generate a simple majority?
I meant to write "any regime or party" in the above comment. I don't think only MAS (or only those on the left) can engage in electoral fraud. The practice has a long & colorful tradition in the region.
it has a colorful (nice word choice, buddy) tradition in the North as well. On the one hand you are being Captain Obvious (hey, people can commit fraud!!) on the other hand you are extrapolating that and aiming it at the one government (I will use the standard terminology, not the State Department kosher version, to refer to the democratically elected leaders of my country, thank you very much!) that has NEVER previously been in a position to commit fraud. why not give them the benefit of the doubt?
Um. Actually, MAS has controlled several municipal governments in the Cochabamba valleys for almost a decade. And there's been plenty of accusations of fraud leveled at them, there. Why don't I give them the benefit of the doubt? Because I've followed Bolivian politics for the better part of a decade & have seen MAS (and other parties) rise since the early 1990s.
But, more importantly, your counter that fraud is also used in the US (yes, it has, just look at the Daley machine in Chicago for a contemporary example) doesn't counter that fraud could be used in Bolivia. So it's not a counter-argument all (how's that for "captain obvious")?
And I wasn't even talking about fraud! A simple "get out of the vote" campaign aimed at increasing voter turnout -- or decreasing turnout -- among those who oppose your position can heavily tilt the balance in a referendum. Just look at my math (which you ignored completely)!
Finally, no one here has even discussed the viability of a popular referendum on a new constitution -- which will certainly run at least 100+ pages (if you want to compare, look at the current document) -- in a society w/ very high "real" illiteracy and extrely high "functional" illeteracy. This issue was raised by indigenous groups in the 2004 gas referendum, which only involved five questions (at most a page total). BTW, the gas referendum was conducted only in Spanish.
I would hypothesize that virtually ANY new constitution would be approved in a popular referendum. Just look again at the gas referendum votes. All five questions won, though in each of the five questions the spoiled & blank votes were more than 20% (and as high as 28% for Question #4). Voter turnout for the gas referendum was 60%. If 20% of the voters cast null votes (blank or spoiled), and the victory in Question #4 (which refered to the use of gas to gain access to sea via Chile) won by 54.8%, you can see the problem. After we include the 28% null votes on that question, we could argue that only about a third of the Bolivian electorate actually voted YES on the question. So much for majority rule, eh?
I wasn't referring only to "stolen" elections. I meant nearly meaningless elections.
To further emphaszie how much voter turnout can sway things. Say you have 60% voter turnout and a question in a referendum gets 80% of the vote for "YES". But let's say 20% of the votes cast (subtract from the 60%) were "valid" votes. What share of the electorate votes "YES" in this landslide?
The answer: 38.4%
Now do you see why I'm concerned?
Katherine, Katherine; so, your point of view is that since the North, I assume you are implying the US, invades Irak because they think that country has weapons of mass destruction, we should do the same. Great, let’s send them some “Estado Mayor del Pueblo” elite blockage zealots; we are gonna win that one for the Americas.
By the way, the standard terminology for authoritarian and racist democratically elected leaders is “Regime”; if you look to your high school history books you will find that Hitler won elections in his country in a democratic way, after being “persecuted” and actually arrested and hailed do to street unrest and blockage organization and participation; just like you know who.
Never previously committed fraud! why not given the Regimen the benefit of the doubt? Explain to us, what doubt? The breaking of the law every time is convenient to them doubt? The arresting and jailing people without respecting their basic human rights doubt? The Alvarado’s signing of illegal hydrocarbon contracts doubt and posterior defense and recompense to this corrupt regime member doubt? The indigenous and racist fundamentalism doubt? The 15 government assassinations before Huanuni doubt? The Huanuni doubt and its continuous aftermath? The not wanting to find consents with the other half of the Bolivian’s representatives doubt? The authoritarian manipulation of the Constitutional assembly doubt? Patzi’s educational reforms doubt?
I will not continue because I could fill pages of reasons I do not have a doubt that this government is authoritarian, corrupted and racist. And, you are welcome!
splish splash i was takin a bath all upon a saturday night
Umm.... Wasn't Goni also the democratically elected leader of your country??? Okay, forget that.
The point above is simple: If 51% of the assembly pass all parts of the new constitution and then fail to pass the final, it goes to popular referendum. If 51% of the "valid" votes are for the new constitution, you could potentially have a new constitution that most of the country does not agree with. MAS has stacked the cards in their favor. They have done this routinely rather than seek consensus. They appear to readily “bend” the rules when and as they see fit disregarding, the current constitution, current law, and trampling any dissenting voice.
Please people, this is not rocket science. Wow! If not every citizen votes in an election then 51%, while a majority, is not actually a majority of all the people. And if lots of people don't vote then it REALLY isn't a majority of all the people.
This is a revelation?
True, the US hasn't done so well under a President elected by a rather small portion of the population. I'll give you that.
The alternative to majority rule is minority rule which Bolivia has been working with for decades, also with not great success. But the whining elites who keep getting crushed in elections clearly think minority rule s the better course. Also, no big surprise. Hey Quiroga, if you don't like what is going on, try winning an election.
Wrapping it up in political science jargon doesn't make it any more credible.
That some people don't vote in periodic election is a given, sure. But we're not just talking about a school board millage or a single-issue referendum here. Those kinds of elections are different, and in a strong democracy there are other recourses (the courts, for example) if we don't like the results of a referedum.
But what the Bolivians are going to vote on is a new constitution. Even if you're only familiar w/ the US constitutional conventional, you'll remember that it was a tortuous process. It took months to get a compromise on a (comaratively short) draft. It took the better part of a decade to get the states present at the convention to approve the document. And there was a civil war over one of the unresolved questions.
In many other countries, constitutions that were rushed have produced war, insurrection, revolution, chaos, repression, etc. A new constitution isn't a simple thing. And it's no panacaea. A new constitution will only satisfy most people (which is important -- that it satisfy *most* people, not just a simple majority) if there are strong protections for even small minorities (eve if they are rich people who we might not like). For long-term stability, the construction of a constitution should include many veto points so that all sides are satisfied that they could prevent any less-than-optimal outcome, even if they can't guarantee a most-optimal outcome. What we want to shoot for, in the end, is a consensus.
The problem w/ popular voting, is that you're likely to end up w/ the same problem as the autonomy referendum. It failed nation-wide -- by a narrow margin. But in several departments (Santa Cruz, Tarija, Beni, Pando) the pro-autonomy vote was extremely high. So, do those departments get autonomy? Their voters seemed to say yes. If they don't get to vote on their own autonomy, then why not? Under what principle?
I, too, think these are very obvious problems. Too obvious to ignore. Yet they're being regularly ignored by the Morales government. Evo Morales has a golden opportunity to leave a legacy of stable, more inclusive democratic government for the many marginalized Bolivians. But he risks throwing it all away in a series of stubborn, arrogant, and ill-conceived errors. Sometimes it's better to compromise, than to be right. Sometimes it's better to get something, than nothing.
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