Got Questions for the Bolivian Ambassador to the US
In December the Democracy Center will begin a new feature, "The Democracy Center Interviews", in which we will publish transcripts of conversations with a whole variety of people – politicians, social activists, artists, and just plain folk – whose lives and thoughts can shed light on what is going on here and abroad as well.
We will begin that series with Bolivia's new ambassador to the US, Gustavo Guzman, who I will be interviewing in Washington when I am there later next week. Guzman is a respected Bolivian journalist (he was formerly the editor of the political weekly Pulso) whose appointment made news in the US mostly for his lack of fluency in English and the pony tail sprouting out the back of his hair.
Clearly, there is much more to the story of Guzman's arrival in Washington than that. We'll do our best to broaden the topics at hand when we chat.
As an additional feature of our new interview series we also want to invite our readers to offer their suggestions of what questions they'd like to pose to our subjects. So here is your chance. What would you like to ask Bolivia's new ambassador to Washington? Post those ideas as comments here and we'll do our best to include those questions that seem most burning among you, our readership.
Happy Thanksgiving to all!
We will begin that series with Bolivia's new ambassador to the US, Gustavo Guzman, who I will be interviewing in Washington when I am there later next week. Guzman is a respected Bolivian journalist (he was formerly the editor of the political weekly Pulso) whose appointment made news in the US mostly for his lack of fluency in English and the pony tail sprouting out the back of his hair.
Clearly, there is much more to the story of Guzman's arrival in Washington than that. We'll do our best to broaden the topics at hand when we chat.
As an additional feature of our new interview series we also want to invite our readers to offer their suggestions of what questions they'd like to pose to our subjects. So here is your chance. What would you like to ask Bolivia's new ambassador to Washington? Post those ideas as comments here and we'll do our best to include those questions that seem most burning among you, our readership.
Happy Thanksgiving to all!
posted by The Democracy Center at 9:49 PM
The Democracy Center, based in Cochabamba Bolivia and San Francisco California, works globally to advance human rights through a combination of investigation and reporting, training citizens in the art of public advocacy, and organizing international citizen campaigns. If you like the Blog, consider becoming a subscriber to The Democracy Center's free e-newsletter by sending us an email at 
37 Comments:
I would like you to ask Ambassador Guzman:
1) Please state the specific facts regarding what is being done to hold Sanchez de Lozada accountable for his alleged misconduct;
2) What obstacles impede the efforts to hold Sanchez de Lozada accountable for the above?
3) Please state your plan of action to overcome the above-referenced obstacles.
El Grindio (mi_grindio@yahoo.com)
methinks the main issue are the charges....people are hesitant to call what is happening in Darfur a genocide.
So people in the State Department (at least my friends there) think of the charges against GSL as a joke. He can also apply for asylum as well.
I'd like to ask Guzman if he really is wasting his time with ridiculous tasks like the extradiction, legalization of coca, and creating a front against the US...or if he is actually doing something useful like negotiating a free trade agreement
The post above by anonymous (hereafter referred to as “Sanchez-Berzain”) defending Sanchez de Lozada (“SDL’) is incoherent, rambling, vague and suspicious for the following reasons:
1) the comment about Darfur is irrelevant and incoherent to our discussion of Bolivian topics and only serves to muddle any debate;
2) It is doubtful that a writer as bad as “Sanchez-Berzain”, has unnamed friends in the State Department of any importance and if he did, so what;
3) As to “asylum”:
a. Bush is on record as saying the SDL extradition issue will be reviewed;
b. The current political context (Republicans tossed out of office in the house and senate, no Democrats lost seats, and the likelihood of a Democrat as president in 2008) and the electorates anticorruption mood does not bode well for harboring those accused of corruption or misconduct while in office, even in faraway Bolivia;
4) Calling SDL’s extradition issue a “ridiculous task” does not refute its standing as a serious issue that should be addressed forthwith;
5) The last point is strawman argument designed to steer discussion from holding SDL accountable and besides describing a “free trade agreement” as “something useful” does not make it anything other than what it is, a moot point since Evo has soundly and wisely rejected that possibility.
El Grindio
I think part of the reason that this subject is not taken as seriously as the Bolivian left would like is the use of the term "genocide". I'm told that the word has a different definition in Bolivian law than in the common vernacular. Whether or not that is true, accusing SDL of genocide is ludicrous. Pick your favorite dictionary and you will come up with a definition something like "the deliberate and systematic extermination of a national, racial, political, or cultural group." If SDL committed crimes while in power, genocide was certainly not one of them. If the Bolivian left would stop exaggerating every single thing they say (irony intended), they'd be taken more seriously. Accuse him of misconduct (as anon #1 did), accuse him of murder, accuse him of mass murder, but genocide!!! Get real folks.
On another point, I don't really think the Rpublicans' losses in the polls will have any impact on the issue, but that's just an opinion.
Yes, I have two questions:
1) Why is the Bolivia president traveling outside the country during yet another volatile time; the second time in the past several months?
2) Why is the Bolivia president above the law? His itinerary calls for six days; the law says he can be out five without congressional approval.
These are serious questions; I don't mean to be rude or sarcastic.
To Grindio,
First of all, thanks for the insults, they really adds tremendous credibility to your arguments. Please pardon me if I don't start in the same manner, but I'll stick to answering your points.
1) Darfur is relevant in the sense that some policy makers are hesitant to call this a genocide and get involved. So how do you think they feel about calling what GSL did in Bolivia a genocide? they think of it as a joke. There would be more support for a motion to freeze his assets under charges of corruption than under charges of genocide.
2) My mention of what my friends thinks is only annecdotal evidence, so you're right is not relevant. It is only an illustration of how relevant people feel about the issue and it's chances of moving forward.
3a) There are hundreds of issues constantly "under review" including the embargo to Cuba and MFN status for China. The first one woill never change and the latter cannot be changed, yet they are still "under review" every year. The fact that the GSL case is "under review" means nothing. The bigger point is that Guzman should not waste his time dealing with issues that have absolutely no chance of moving forward. GSL will never be extradicted, coca will always be illegal and Cuba+Venezuela+Bolivia will never be more than a flea on the elephant that is the US.
3b) Most of the newly elected democrats are center or right of center, so don't hold your breath. As far as an "anti corruption" climate, I advise you not to be so naive. The American electorate doesn't care one bit about Bolivia. I would even say that if presented with the facts, they would most likely view GSL as someone who rightfully used force to defend a city under siege from vandals.
4) A more appropiate adjective I guess would have futile. This is where the asylum issue comes in place. Everybody know GSL will not get a fair trial. I'm sure his application is all filled out and will be filed if the process moves ahead. Getting to the bottom of the events of November also means a trial for Patana, De la Cruz, Mamani, and Morales who manipulated the masses and sent them to their death for their own political benefit. Let me ask you this, don't you think the aforementioned also have blood in their hands?
5) Once again you are being naive. Evo IS working towards a TLC, he just doesn't want to call it that so people like you don't get upset. Getting Bolivian out of poverty w/o a TLC with the US is like trying to win a basketball game w/o taking any jumpshots. I know people that are part of Evo's inner circle of advisors and at least two of them (one of whom came late last summer with AGL to beg for an extension to the ATPDEA) have convinced him of the need of trade. Evo and his party know that w/o trade Bolivia is dead.
To Grindio,
First of all, thanks for the insults, they really adds tremendous credibility to your arguments. Please pardon me if I don't start in the same manner, but I'll stick to answering your points.
1) Darfur is relevant in the sense that some policy makers are hesitant to call this a genocide and get involved. So how do you think they feel about calling what GSL did in Bolivia a genocide? they think of it as a joke. There would be more support for a motion to freeze his assets under charges of corruption than under charges of genocide.
2) My mention of what my friends thinks is only annecdotal evidence, so you're right is not relevant. It is only an illustration of how relevant people feel about the issue and it's chances of moving forward.
3a) There are hundreds of issues constantly "under review" including the embargo to Cuba and MFN status for China. The first one woill never change and the latter cannot be changed, yet they are still "under review" every year. The fact that the GSL case is "under review" means nothing. The bigger point is that Guzman should not waste his time dealing with issues that have absolutely no chance of moving forward. GSL will never be extradicted, coca will always be illegal and Cuba+Venezuela+Bolivia will never be more than a flea on the elephant that is the US.
3b) Most of the newly elected democrats are center or right of center, so don't hold your breath. As far as an "anti corruption" climate, I advise you not to be so naive. The American electorate doesn't care one bit about Bolivia. I would even say that if presented with the facts, they would most likely view GSL as someone who rightfully used force to defend a city under siege from vandals.
4) A more appropiate adjective I guess would have futile. This is where the asylum issue comes in place. Everybody know GSL will not get a fair trial. I'm sure his application is all filled out and will be filed if the process moves ahead. Getting to the bottom of the events of November also means a trial for Patana, De la Cruz, Mamani, and Morales who manipulated the masses and sent them to their death for their own political benefit. Let me ask you this, don't you think the aforementioned also have blood in their hands?
5) Once again you are being naive. Evo IS working towards a TLC, he just doesn't want to call it that so people like you don't get upset. Getting Bolivian out of poverty w/o a TLC with the US is like trying to win a basketball game w/o taking any jumpshots. I know people that are part of Evo's inner circle of advisors and at least two of them (one of whom came late last summer with AGL to beg for an extension to the ATPDEA) have convinced him of the need of trade. Evo and his party know that w/o trade Bolivia is dead.
To Grindio,
First of all, thanks for the insults, they really adds tremendous credibility to your arguments. Please pardon me if I don't start in the same manner, but I'll stick to answering your points.
1) Darfur is relevant in the sense that some policy makers are hesitant to call this a genocide and get involved. So how do you think they feel about calling what GSL did in Bolivia a genocide? they think of it as a joke. There would be more support for a motion to freeze his assets under charges of corruption than under charges of genocide.
2) My mention of what my friends thinks is only annecdotal evidence, so you're right is not relevant. It is only an illustration of how relevant people feel about the issue and it's chances of moving forward.
3a) There are hundreds of issues constantly "under review" including the embargo to Cuba and MFN status for China. The first one woill never change and the latter cannot be changed, yet they are still "under review" every year. The fact that the GSL case is "under review" means nothing. The bigger point is that Guzman should not waste his time dealing with issues that have absolutely no chance of moving forward. GSL will never be extradicted, coca will always be illegal and Cuba+Venezuela+Bolivia will never be more than a flea on the elephant that is the US.
3b) Most of the newly elected democrats are center or right of center, so don't hold your breath. As far as an "anti corruption" climate, I advise you not to be so naive. The American electorate doesn't care one bit about Bolivia. I would even say that if presented with the facts, they would most likely view GSL as someone who rightfully used force to defend a city under siege from vandals.
4) A more appropiate adjective I guess would have futile. This is where the asylum issue comes in place. Everybody know GSL will not get a fair trial. I'm sure his application is all filled out and will be filed if the process moves ahead. Getting to the bottom of the events of November also means a trial for Patana, De la Cruz, Mamani, and Morales who manipulated the masses and sent them to their death for their own political benefit. Let me ask you this, don't you think the aforementioned also have blood in their hands?
5) Once again you are being naive. Evo IS working towards a TLC, he just doesn't want to call it that so people like you don't get upset. Getting Bolivian out of poverty w/o a TLC with the US is like trying to win a basketball game w/o taking any jumpshots. I know people that are part of Evo's inner circle of advisors and at least two of them (one of whom came late last summer with AGL to beg for an extension to the ATPDEA) have convinced him of the need of trade. Evo and his party know that w/o trade Bolivia is dead.
I see Evo got around it:
LosTiempos:"Tras su visita al Reino de los Países Bajos, Morales regresará al país el martes 28, para volver a salir, horas después, esta vez rumbo a Nigeria y Cuba.
El Presidente se vio obligado a hacer el viaje de esta manera, porque no cuenta con la debida autorización del Congreso y, en estos casos, la Constitución no permite a los mandatarios estar fuera del país más de cinco días consecutivos.
En Nigeria, participará de la Cumbre África-Sudamérica, que tendrá lugar los días 29 y 30 de noviembre en la ciudad de Abuya, capital de esa nación africana.
Desde allí emprenderá viaje a Cuba para participar en la celebración del cumpleaños número 80 de su colega, amigo y aliado político Fidel Castro, programada para el 2 de diciembre en La Habana."
Anon,
He'll actually be in Cuba attending the funeral of Fidel Castro. That will be a glorious day for democracy advocates everywhere. This issue really shows the true colors of radical left-wingers everywhere.
its been consirmed, Fidel Castro Died late last night
1. Does the President endorse the creation of the 10th department of the Chaco?
2. what does this issue mean in terms of indigenous autonomy and the MAS constituency's fight against the potentially negative consequences of departmental autonomy in the east?
does the current administration believe that all men are created equal or that originarios are entitled to special rights?
I always find it interesting that whenever groups that have historically be denied equal rights start to achieve those equal rights, they are accused of being entitled to "special rights".
This is so tired. It was used against african-americans. It was used against homosexuals. It was used against feminists. It was used against immigrants.
Can't you at least come up with an original argument that isn't so transparent?
Of course, these accusations usually come from those who have never had their rights trampled on and believe that everyone else is in the same positions. Thus, the fact that these groups are (finally)receiving rights that bring them to a level of equality is interpreted as these groups receiving rights "above and beyond" what everyone else has.
My Qs would focus on USA aid to Bolivia.
1. Focus
Are you going to focus on "Charity" aid? or "Know How" aid?
example: charity = free eye operations vrs. know how = scholarships and other resources for Bolivian youth to become eye doctors.
2. Intensity
Are you going to be agressive? or passive?
example: passive = waiting for US universities to knock on Bolivian Embassy vrs. agressive = forget about GSL and go knock on US Universities
To the poster formerly known as "anonymous" and "Sanchez Berzain":
Just because you post something . . . uffff . . . THREE times does mean Jim should not ask Bolivia’s ambassador hard questions about holding Sanchez de Lozada (“GSL”) accountable and instead ask a question whose answer you just claimed to already know from your “friends” (if Evo will seek a free trade accord). If you know the answer why ask to waste a question other than it is a red herring so you can help GSL escape scrutiny.
You started your first post with an ad hominem attack of my neutral post by terming my suggestions "ridiculous" within what I described as your incoherent, poorly written post. Your post shows you have the integrity of former Congressman Mark Foley. Be that as it may, thank you for using better grammar and organization in your response, which I address as follows:
1) We can agree to disagree as to the relevancy of Darfur and a semantic quibble about the term “genocide”. Jim probably understands you are comparing apples to oranges since our Bolivian issue is one within this hemisphere, an issue of a leader's breach of fiduciary duties, corruption and egregious conduct that directly led to alleged responsibility for ordering the deaths of people exercising their rights of free speech and assembly. The issue is not if justice is served by a de facto fine (by freezing GSL's assets as you suggest) but by allowing the people of Bolivia their day in court so they can seek redress for their grievances and so the cycle of impunity by political elites can end. That is the essence of why questions as to the extradition of GSL are significant enough for Jim to ask our ambassador.
2) You conceded your second point.
3a) Since I made my case already, I leave it to Jim to determine if you are correct in stating, “Guzman should not waste his time dealing with issues that have absolutely no chance of moving forward.” Just because you are correct in that “coca will always be illegal and Cuba+Venezuela+Bolivia will never be more than a flea on the elephant that is the US”, it does not follow that “GSL will never be extradited”. All it takes for the cycle of corruption to continue is for good people to remain quiet.
3b) Granted that “[t]he American electorate doesn't care one bit about Bolivia” until now. But a compelling case can be made to assist our indigenous president, or at least to not harbor fugitives from justice. As to your version of the facts: “GSL as someone who rightfully used force to defend a city under siege from vandals”, they contrast with the images of snipers shooting civilians, in response to an order by their commander in chief, GSL
4) As to asylum for GSL, let’s cross that bridge when and if it ever gets built. .As to your loaded statement: “Getting to the bottom of the events of November also means a trial for Patana, De la Cruz, Mamani, and Morales who manipulated the masses and sent them to their death for their own political benefit”. It should be disregarded as conclusory or as a fallacious attempt to support a claim by simply repeating the essential aspects of the claim conclusory. As to your question of if “the aforementioned also have blood in their hands”, I do not know. Besides, that is what trials are for.
5) I may be “being naïve”. But what are you being since you claim to already know the question you want Jim to ask Guzman? This is evident when you wrote “Evo IS working towards a TLC” Since you gave us the answer to the question you asked, Jim should ask Ambassador Guzman my questions, which I repeat for the benefit of the reader:
1) Please state the specific facts regarding what is being done to hold Sanchez de Lozada accountable for his alleged misconduct;
2) What obstacles impede the efforts to hold Sanchez de Lozada accountable for the above?
3) Please state your plan of action to overcome the above-referenced obstacles.
I thank you for your input and Jim in advance for all he does and will do for Bolivia,
El Grindio
Here are some questions you can ask the Ambassador if you get the chance:
In your opinon, what are the major factors/issues pushing Bolivia deeper into conflict and potentially into civil war?
What strategies do you think should be implemented in order to prevent the conflict from escalating?
How salient or important do you think ethnic identity is in the conflicts of Bolivia?
Are there any Bolivian diaspora's in the U.S. and if so do you see them contributing in a positive or negative manner to the conflicts facing Bolivia
What is the ambassadors opinion regarding the use of taxpayer funds to fly the Bolivian president to birthday parties?
Second time:
I would like to ask the ambassador what he thinks about the Bolivian presidents use of taxpayer funds to attend a birthday party in Cuba.
Thanks.
It is a waist of time to ask a politician (or derivative like an ambassador) about their opinions.
They will always answer as a function of party line; that is, nothing concrete.
Simply ask about the steps he plans to take to achieve some goal. The only 2 that I see here (this post), is get GLS to go back and some US-AID to Bolivia.
How did Garcia Linera come to possess magical powers?
Do you support Democracy in Cuba? When Castro dies would you call for open elections in Cuba or would you support the continuation of the current Regime.
“Hay otro clima en EEUU para atender las demandas del país”
por
Carlos Morales Peña
Gustavo Guzmán acaba de cumplir tres meses al frente de la Embajada boliviana en Estados Unidos. Arribó a Washington, la capital estadounidense, cargando sobre sus espaldas una pesada agenda de temas políticos que afectan la relación con la primera potencia del mundo: la lucha contra el narcotráfico y la erradicación de coca, el
acuerdo de preferencias arancelarias ATPDEA, la extradición de Sánchez de Lozada por los hechos de octubre y la situación de los emigrantes bolivianos.
En esta entrevista con La Prensa, el periodista y ahora diplomático no ahorra conceptos para resaltar que “hay un nuevo clima y una apertura” de Washington hacia Bolivia.
—¿Cuáles han sido sus prioridades en estos primeros tres meses de gestión al frente de la legación diplomática boliviana en Washington?
—Mi primera tarea fue llenar un vacío que se había producido entre Bolivia y Estados Unidos. La prioridad fue comunicar, a través de un diálogo directo, abierto, y transparente, a los gobiernos del presidente Evo Morales y George W. Bush. La misión de la Embajada se complementó con las visitas del vicepresidente Álvaro García Linera, quien inauguró una verdadera relación, concreta y práctica, entre ambos países. Hemos abierto los canales de comunicación política. Ahora, estamos abriendo puertas en el Congreso norteamericano para defender los intereses del país respecto del acuerdo de preferencias arancelarias y lucha contra el narcotráfico (el ATPDEA). Hemos establecido, además, contacto con el embajador de Estados Unidos en Bolivia, Philip Goldberg, para compartir los alcances de nuestras tareas que están vinculadas a la relación entre ambos países.
—El Congreso de Estados Unidos comienza sus sesiones el lunes 4. ¿De qué forma están trabajando la cuestión del ATPDEA teniendo en cuenta el cambio político y las discrepancias entre ambos países respecto de la erradicación de hojas de coca?
—Estamos frente a un complicado proceso político en Washington. El acuerdo del ATPDEA está en manos del Congreso. Lo primero es que se ha modificado el clima político respecto de las preferencias arancelarias. Es imposible asegurar un resultado concreto en el Legislativo respecto de este tema. Hasta hace pocos meses era muy difícil pensar que, por ejemplo, el Ejecutivo estadounidense se manifestara apoyando abiertamente una ampliación del plazo del ATPDEA, que vence el 31 de diciembre. El resultado de las elecciones de noviembre, que devolvió a los demócratas el control sobre ambas cámaras después de 12 años, configura un nuevo escenario y nuevas relaciones políticas en el Congreso norteamericano. Estamos, entonces, frente a un Gobierno al mando de los republicanos y un Poder Legislativo en manos de los demócratas. Esto está generando repercusiones en el plano comercial, donde se ubica el ATPDEA. Los tratados de libre comercio con Perú y Colombia no se han tratado en la legislatura que acaba en diciembre. La falta de resolución sobre ciertos asuntos tiene que ver con los nuevos equilibrios políticos, que suponen la derrota republicana; han cambiado el estado de ánimo y la propia agenda legislativa. El Congreso tiene como prioridad, ahora, la aprobación del nuevo Presupuesto para 2007.
—¿Este “nuevo clima” es más o menos favorable para una extensión del ATPDEA, teniendo en cuenta que los demócratas son más proteccionistas que los republicanos?
—Me resisto a estas bipolaridades, de pensar en blanco o negro, en un asunto que es sumamente complejo. Es imprevisible lo que pueda pasar con el ATPDEA. El lunes 4 de diciembre, el Congreso norteamericano vuelve a reunirse. Entre el 4 y el 17 pueden adoptarse varias decisiones. Pero el ATPDEA no es el único tema, el Presupuesto, por ejemplo, es más importante. Ha surgido la opción en Washington de que esta última legislatura pueda extender sus decisiones hasta marzo del próximo año. Se prevé que el ATPDEA ingrese como una “ley ómnibus”, es decir, un recurso congresal donde pueden entrar varios temas. En este nuevo clima en el Congreso es muy problable que se traten cuestiones importantes y se dejen de lado otras menos sustanciales. Es probable que el tema de las preferencias arancelarias sea postergado para enero con un Congreso bajo el mando demócrata plenamente. Ciertamente, los demócratas son más proteccionistas que los republicanos con respecto a los acuerdos de libre comercio, pero esto dependerá de muchos factores. La postergación de los TLC con Perú y Colombia refleja este “nuevo clima”. Algunos demócratas que favorecen la ampliación tendrán a su cargo el debate sobre este tema. Habrá que ver qué pasa.
—¿Cuál es la estrategia que el Gobierno del presidente Evo Morales ha puesto en marcha para ampliar las preferencias arancelarias?
—El Gobierno boliviano ha sido el primero en llamar la atención sobre los riesgos comerciales de suspender el ATPDEA. Dicha estrategia se reafirmó con las dos visitas de García Linera a Estados Unidos.
En nuestro caso, buscamos establecer un puente hacia el establecimiento de un acuerdo de largo plazo. Hemos presentado un modelo de relación comercial diferente a los tratados de libre comercio. Estamos esperando una respuesta de parte del Gobierno y del Congreso estadounidense para trabajar en este sentido. Estos elementos nos permiten pensar que estamos frente a un nuevo clima y es probable que la extensión del ATPDEA sea un hecho muy pronto. Pero, ojo, no hay nada garantizado en este ámbito.
—Dicha estrategia tropieza con los cuestionamientos del Gobierno norteamericano en la política de erradicación de hojas de coca, un tema del que, justamente, depende el ATPDEA. Estados Unidos ha puesto un plazo hasta marzo para que Bolivia modifique su política de erradicación con base en el respeto al denominado cato de coca. ¿En qué medida la decisión del presidente Morales de mantener el cato puede influir en este proceso?
—El ATPDEA tiene una relación directa con la lucha contra el narcotráfico. En el Congreso no hubo manifestaciones precisas sobre esta situación ni sobre la política del Gobierno boliviano. La extensión del ATPDEA tiene que ver con el compromiso de erradicación. La coca ocupa un lugar central en la agenda de la relación con Estados Unidos. Bolivia está cumpliendo sus compromisos de erradicar 5.000 hectáreas hasta fin de año.
El país ha sido certificado, hasta ahora, en la lucha contra el narcotráfico. Sin embargo, se ha observado el cato de coca, que es la base de la actual política del presidente Evo Morales.
El cato lleva a un redimensionamiento de hectáreas de hojas de coca en la zona del Chapare, por ejemplo. Estamos en un proceso arduo de negociación con autoridades norteamericanas.
Sin embargo, hemos encontrado un ánimo abierto para dar con alternativas de solución sobre la erradicación de hojas de coca. En marzo de 2007 se cumplen los seis meses señalados por el Gobierno norteamericano para que se retire el cato de coca de la legislación boliviana. Estamos discutiendo con las autoridades estadounidenses la mejor manera de resolverlo.
“El caso goni está silenciado”
—La justicia boliviana reclama la notificación al ex presidente Gonzalo Sánchez de Lozada, residente en Washington, para que se presente a declarar en Bolivia por los hechos de octubre de 2003. ¿Cómo están tratando el caso Sánchez de Lozada?
—Hay silencio enorme en Estados Unidos desde hace más de un año sobre el caso y, en particular, sobre la notificación que debiera realizar el Departamento de Estado, a través del Departamento de Justicia, a Gonzalo Sánchez de Lozada, Carlos Sánchez Berzaín y Jorge Berindoague. Este proceso sigue pendiente y estamos exigiendo que se rompa ese silencio de las autoridades norteamericanas. Después de tres meses, tenemos mucho más claro cómo encaminar esta demanda de justicia del pueblo boliviano sobre el caso Sánchez de Lozada.
—Usted esperaba contar con el apoyo de organizaciones sociales y de derechos humanos de Estados Unidos en esta demanda de justicia. ¿Encontró alguna respuesta de aquellos sectores?
—Es extraordinaria la cantidad de organizaciones estadounidenses de derechos humanos que tienen un conocimiento muy grande de lo que está pasando en el país y que tienen un ánimo de cooperación con las demandas bolivianas.
Tarjeta para los inmigrantes
—¿De qué manera están impulsando la regularización de los inmigrantes bolivianos en Estados Unidos a fin de que puedan votar en el próximo referéndum de la nueva Constitución Política del Estado que apruebe la Asamblea Constituyente?
—El Gobierno boliviano ha establecido, a través de una resolución de la Cancillería, una “matrícula consular”, que es un viejo pedido de la comunidad boliviana en Estados Unidos. Se trata de un documento que garantiza la identidad del poseedor frente a las autoridades consulares y del país receptor. Según esta resolución, todas las embajadas bolivianas en el exterior están autorizadas a entregar dicho documento. La tarjeta no modifica la condición legal del inmigrante. Sí les puede servir a los inmigrantes para que puedan abrir una cuenta de ahorros en el sistema financiero local. La idea es facilitar la vida a los inmigrantes bolivianos. Vamos a impulsar una campaña para que todos los inmigrantes puedan acceder a este beneficio, de forma tal de que podamos comenzar a entregar el documento a partir de enero. Esta medida tiene relación con la votación que habrá para el referéndum de la nueva Constitución, pues les permitirá ejercer ese derecho en otro país. En EEUU no sabemos cuántos somos, y esta tarjeta nos ayudará a saberlo.
“Vemos más allá de Cuba y Venezuela”
—¿En qué medida la decisión del Gobierno del presidente Evo Morales de establecer una alianza estratégica con Cuba y Venezuela está afectando la relación con Estados Unidos?
—No estoy de acuerdo con que se nos agrupe en parcelas latinoamericanas. No creo que haya una opción estratégica para acercarse a Cuba y Venezuela. Acabamos de ver cuán importante es la relación con Brasil y Argentina en lo hidrocarburífero. ¿Por qué tenemos que pensar exclusivamente en Cuba y Venezuela? Los cambios en América Latina dan para mirar mucho más lejos.
—El Gobierno de Bush ha sugerido a Evo Morales que se aleje de Hugo Chávez...
—Esa declaración tiene que ver con cómo Estados Unidos ve la política norteamericana, que es absolutamente respetable. De la misma forma, Bolivia tiene derecho a mirar la realidad latinoamericana desde su propia perspectiva. El horizonte boliviano va mucho más allá que Cuba y Venezuela.
—¿Hay, sin embargo, una cierta preocupación del Gobierno norteamericano acerca de la situación social y política por la que atraviesa Bolivia?
—Estados Unidos cree que en Ecuador, por ejemplo, se repetirá lo que está ocurriendo en Bolivia. Tienen diferencias ideológicas muy grandes pero están buscando formas de relacionarse con nuestros países porque hay temas que nos interesan a los dos países. Hay preocupación y una atención especial en Estados Unidos respecto de lo que está pasando en el proceso político boliviano.
RELACIóN clave
El Embajador de Bolivia en Estados Unidos encabeza las negociaciones por el ATPDEA.
Además, impulsa las relaciones políticas y comerciales con la potencia.
Estados Unidos expresó sus críticas a la política antidrogas de Evo Morales.
Washington observa la legalización del cato de coca en el Chapare.
De la política antidrogas y la erradicación de coca dependen los acuerdos comerciales.
Proximo conflicto:
Wacas vs Iglesias
MAS esta alentando que se destruyan las iglesias de Copacabana y San Francisco por ser derecho de los "originarios"
Igualito que Bush,Evo prefiere dividir al pais en vez de unirlo.
Mr. Ambassador, what is your plan to improve the lives and political status of the thousands of Bolivian immigrants who work in the D.C. metropolitan area, bringing economic and cultural benefits to the region which are unacknowledged by the Usamerican government, but sadly also by its people?
About the "genocide" claim against GSL: A Bolivian lawyer told me that it has to do with the - you could say not so clear - definition of genocide in Bolivian law. I don't remember the ecxact facts though. But it had to do with a trial against some former regime who killed a group (maybe 5-10) union activists sometime in the 80's or 70's. This was treated as an attempt to whipe out a specifik group of people (the activists) and therefore called "genocide" - since then it has been a precedent in Bolivian law. And now the family of the dead in the protests of Octubre Negro is calling the deaths "genocide" because a certain group of people (protesters) where killed by the army. To people outside Bolivia the label "genocide" doesn't make much sense and I don't think it should be used in English. Maybe "mass-killings" would be a better word, but the what is the definition og that?
The trial against Sanchez de Lozada is political, its used to change the media agenda with the US away from coca and free trade. Sanchez de Lozada saved more lives with his health programs (SUMI) and the Bonosol than any other President. he has done more reforms than any President including Evo. Is this a trial o a revenge???
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