January 11: An Eyewitness Account

Readers:
It has been two weeks since January 11, the day when the streets of Cochabamba turned deadly violent, leaving two people dead and more than 160 others wounded. Reasonable people can debate the true roots of those events. Was it Manfred Reyes Villa throwing down the gauntlet to MAS backers by saying he would call for a re-vote on autonomy six months after Cochabamba voters soundly rejected it? Was it the labor unions and campesino groups that filled the Plaza in protest, and who blocked roads coming in and out of the city?
There is, however, little room for debate about when and where a tense political situation exploded into widespread violence that overtook the center of Cochabamba. That was just after 4pm two weeks ago at the end of Cochabamba’s tree-lined Prado. I walked through that area just a few minutes beforehand, interviewing people from all sides of the battle that was about to explode.
Since then I have also spoken to a half dozen people who were eyewitnesses to those events. One of those accounts, from a non-participant, Jonas Brown, a US citizen who lives in the exact spot where the fighting began, stands out. I asked him to write it up for our readers and he agreed to do so. I post it here, unedited. I think it is an important contribution to the record of what happened here two weeks ago today.
[Note: The photo here, of supporters of Manfred Reyes Villa, was taken from the balcony of our office.]
Jim Shultz
January 11: An Eyewitness Account
When I returned to Cochabamba from summer vacation on January 9, a group of about fifty police officers were all but living on the street just outside my apartment. They were guarding the intersection of Avenida Ramon Rivero and Calle Antezana, just before it crosses Antezana Bridge to the northern part of the city. Since Cala Cala Bridge and most main roads through the city were blockaded by the protesting campesinos, this was a critical intersection to control if there was to be any flow of traffic back and forth across the river in the downtown area.
My apartment window looks out over this intersection. Over the next two days, when cooking or eating, I glanced down at the police from time to time. It was a picture, mostly, of boredom. If there was anyone benefiting from the blockades financially, it had to be the ice cream man, hawking from the shade of his pushcart’s overhanging umbrella. When the sun came out, he had faithful patrons in the idle, over-heated police. Only a few officers at any time were needed to direct traffic. The others sat on the curbs, their body armor half-off or lying on the grass behind them. Their superior roused them at intervals to stand in formation on the street. They would refasten their armor, assume their positions, then, quickly dismissed, retreat into the shade and peel off the layers again.
I did see them called into action once. On the 10th, a crowd of campesinos with sticks began moving tentatively from La Plaza de las Banderas down Ramon Rivero, possibly with the intent of taking and blockading the Calle Antezana intersection. The police formed a wall and marched to meet the campesinos halfway, at the intersection of Avenida Ramon Rivero and Calle Lanza. As I stood watching, a man in business clothes with a black eye and a cut on his face approached me and warned me to be careful. He had been beaten up by campesinos the day before when he was caught taking photographs of a blockade. According to him, he had absorbed some 30-40 kicks and punches.
This standoff ended without violence. After a brief, tense interval, the campesinos retreated back to the plaza. The police went back to sitting on the curbs. They nodded or said hello when people walked past. They congregated in the limited shade of a small tree, chatting away the empty hours, hitting each other’s body armor playfully with their clubs. Then, abruptly, in the middle of the afternoon on the next day, January 11th, their struggle with boredom ended.
On one side, the campesinos had approached again from La Plaza de las Banderas, a few young men trying to arm themselves en route by ripping branches off the trees. The energy level in the crowd was higher than it had been the last time. They yelled in unison and some leaped up and down. Firecrackers were set off. From the other side, the Los Jovenes por la Democracia demonstration in favor of Manfred Villa Reyes was about to cross Antezana Bridge onto Avenida Ramon Rivero. This small group of police officers stood between two opposing, electric, stick-waving protests.
They lined up in the street, listening to their superior’s orders, their faces now icy and nervous. For the first time, it occurred to me that they didn’t have shields or helmets. In fact, some didn’t even have billy clubs, only sticks and heavy wires like the protesters. Not all had body armor. Most importantly, of course, they were severely outnumbered. Reinforcements had arrived, but not enough to make much difference.
The force split into two. One formed a wall, as they done before, and marched down to the meet the campesinos where Calle Lanza intersects Avenida Ramon Rivero. Even to one who knows nothing about crowd control, it seemed a precarious situation. The police line was thin, only one officer “thick” at most points. The other half of the force formed a line at the south foot of the bridge, their arms interlocked to prohibit the pro-Manfred demonstration from exiting the bridge onto Avenida Ramon Rivero. This equally thin second line, charged with repelling a much larger, more concentrated crowd—and one which was already moving—looked even less tenable than the first.
My apartment is on the empty block that was being used as a buffer between the two police lines. A few of my neighbors and I stood outside our gate watching as the pro-Manfred crowd flowed across the bridge chanting slogans, thrusting their sticks into the air. Some paused to throw stones down toward the river, presumably at campesinos, who may have been throwing stones back. I don’t know who provoked whom, but this was the first hint of violence that I saw.
At the front of the march, the crowd was mostly young men armed with clubs of some type or other: wooden staffs, branches, baseball bats, metal rods, etc. The police line flexed as the foremost marchers pressed into it. It wasn´t clear if the leaders were pushing themselves into the police or if they themselves were being pushed by the momentum of the crowd. Either way, the police quickly realized they couldn’t hold the crowd on the bridge and adjusted their line to funnel the crowd onto Avenida Ramon Rivero to the east, away from the campesinos.
The crowd now had a road down which to continue marching, but they didn’t move. For a few moments, nothing happened. Then, in a sudden surge, the source of which was indiscernible, the front of the crowd burst through the police line and, waving their sticks wildly, broke into a full run down Avenida Ramon Rivero in the direction of the campesinos. My neighbors and I were in their path. We ran and ducked behind our apartment gate.
The pro-Manfred march had been billed as peaceful, and there were reasonable, non-violent people who participated in it. But the contingent at the front of the crowd evidently had something else in mind. They didn’t march toward the campesinos in the style, even, of an aggressive protest. Once through the police line, either acting on plans made beforehand or giving in to the angry chaos of the moment, they launched an assault that bore no resemblance to civil protest.
From behind the gate of my apartment, I couldn’t see what happened when the pro-Manfred group clashed with the campesinos, a relative smattering of police officers wedged between them. Apparently, tear gas was released. A few minutes later, I walked back outside. The campesinos, outnumbered in that particular area, had retreated and most of the fighting was now taking place in La Plaza de las Banderas or on El Prado. Only a few scattered melees continued nearby on Avenida Ramon Rivero.
The police’s mission had changed from violence prevention to violence management. Some campesinos had become separated from their comrades and were caught among the pro-Manfred marchers. Some had been too slow or just unlucky. Others had been injured. The police, using their own bodies as shields, ferried them one by one or in small groups through the pro-Manfred marchers to empty streets or to ambulances. These panicked campesinos hurried through corridors of screaming, stick-waving marchers to safety, a few sustaining blows from sticks even as they ran.
I saw men using their sticks to threaten young and middle-aged campesinas—even one with a child on her back—yelling at them. Expressions of terror flashed on the faces of the women. One campesina, pursued by marchers, fled into the gated front yard of a nearby establishment. The person guarding the gate shut it behind her. A crowd gathered around yelling at her. They dispersed when someone behind the gate escorted her safely out of sight.
As the fighting moved down the street, the middle and back ranks of the pro-Manfred protest continued to arrive. They appeared to be trying to size up the situation. Some gathered in small groups. They had a decision to make. Should they keep marching? Was this even a march anymore? What exactly was happening? Did they support it?
Some turned back immediately when they saw the violence. Others milled on the street or sat on the curbs holding their signs, bewildered expressions on their faces. Still others went ahead to witness or perhaps even join the fighting. A few armed men were on motorbikes zooming back and forth, brandishing their sticks. An organizer appeared trying to rally the uncertain marchers at the back, yelling something like, “Let’s go. We’ve cleared out the plaza. It’s all safe up ahead.”
Though Avenida Ramon Rivero was still hostile territory for the campesinos, its access to unblocked streets must have made it the best way to get casualties to the hospital. From the direction of the fighting, police officers led exhausted, terrified, limping, half-conscious and/or bleeding campesinos one by one down the sidewalk past our apartment.
The police continued shielding the injured with their own bodies until each person was safely inside an ambulance or a truck. At one point, they had to hold a small crowd of yelling pro-Manfred supporters back from a campesino man on a stretcher. My Spanish is not good enough to know exactly what was being yelled at the campesinos out in the crowd, but I made out one statement hollered by my very own neighbor at an injured man: “Go home, Indian!”
Even a man whose face was a river of blood—whose T-shirt was soaked-through so that the entire front of it was crimson, whose eyes were foggy with shock—was yelled at as he staggered by dripping a trail of blood.
An adolescent campesina had become separated from her family. She came and sat down by our apartment building, weeping quietly. She was trying to gather herself, but each time an injured campesino was led past, she broke into tears again. I went over and awkwardly asked her how she was doing. She looked at me in terror and turned away. Finally, a policeman led her away and put her into a truck for her own safety.
I’m an American. It’s not my place to take a side in the political disagreements that caused this fighting, or to try to judge, following the events on January 11, which side holds the moral high-ground. I have only written what I saw. This is an account by one shocked witness of one interval in which a large number of “normal” citizens somehow lost track of their humanity. The same phenomenon was echoed tragically throughout the remainder of the afternoon by people on both sides.
Before I went to sleep that night, I looked out the window. The police had returned and were sprawled on the patches of grass along the street, which was littered with garbage, abandoned sticks, and used-up fireworks. The next day they would receive military reinforcements.
Written by Jonas Brown

The Democracy Center, based in Cochabamba Bolivia and San Francisco California, works globally to advance human rights through a combination of investigation and reporting, training citizens in the art of public advocacy, and organizing international citizen campaigns. If you like the Blog, consider becoming a subscriber to The Democracy Center's free e-newsletter by sending us an email at 
58 Comments:
Thank you, Jonas.
I've been a harsh critic of Evo, but if it is really true that he is willing to let all things in the CA be 2/3 then
Viva Evo.
-chasqui
Jim,
Not sure how productive it is to go back 2 weeks with an eye-witness’ account on such an emotionally-charged event. There are probably 30.000 eye witness accounts to be had in Cbba, each will tell his own story. Which are all of secondary importance now surely… we’d do better all of us defusing things & asking ourselves what we learned from it, how to avoid such things (or worse) in future. It wasn’t just a street-fight, the reasons that led to it are much more complex & political than that (as you’ve rightly highlighted in previous postings). Who did what down which street should by now be of interest solely to those with the job of finding those responsible for the 2 killings, for which – incidentally - I understand there’s not been much headway made yet on the Cristian Urresti case…
I’d be more interested now on your covering MAS’ loss of the senate, the role UN could play now in the opposition, how the balance of power/form of dialogue between MAS & the opposition’s could change, what’s likely to happen in the AC now that Evo has changed tact & is going for 2/3 & then if no agreement’s found to go to referendum.
In short, how the guys elected are likely to move things on from here, remembering that they were elected so things didn’t have to get worked out in street-fights…
My best,
Jack
This sad, sad story reveals the racial clevages that bubble under the surface of day to day life in Bolivia. As I read the eye-witness account, I kept getting the nagging sensation that Manfred was somehow (directly or indirectly) behind this. I have no proof or evidence to support this claim, its just a hunch.
Make no mistake, Manfred Reyes-Villa wants to be President of Bolivia. He ran in 2002, and his cronies have been talking about it since he was elected to the Prefecture in late 2005. The creation of his "Corporaciones Productivas" (without a real initial budget or legislative approval) are nothing more than a political ploy to ingratiate Manfred with rural communities. The unified rural voting bloc towards Evo Morales is a fairly recent phenomenon. In 2002 campesino homes were adorned with a multitude of political colors, from Jaime Paz, to MAS, to Goni, to NFR (Manfred). Manfred is once again trying to revive this fractured body politic, resorting to the traditional tactics of patronage and demagoguery.
Since the violence broke out, the US government has balked on its support of Manfred, waiting to see if he has the political skill to recover from a fairly intense series of events that may or may not work in his favor. I think Jim's analysis is correct: Manfred said what he said in order to position himself as the primary opposition to Evo Morales. It remains to be seen whether his move was premature, especially considering that none of his "productive development" promises have yet to materialize.
USAID is directly subsidizing Manfred's rural initiatives through OTI funds channeled through a front group known as Iniciativas Democraticas Bolivia (IDB), which is managed by the US-based private contracting company Casals and Associates.
What disturbs me more than anything, however, is that Manfred was once a student at the notorious School of the Americas. To what extent were El Capitan and his minions involved in infiltrating a rag-tag group of hateful, violent young men and turning them loose on an unsuspecting (but certainly not guilt free) indigenous mob? I have no answer to this question, but I ask it with a heavy heart.
Anon 12.06,
You sound informed. Can agree with you that Manfred probably took the opportunity to raise his profile. As for the rest, I’m a touch lost. It almost sounds as if you’re suggesting Manfred uses dirty money to finance non-existent projects that will win him electoral support, & in the meantime organizes violent groups to help get him into power where he’ll be an old-style dictator.
But hang on a sec, as far as I understand USAID is not dirty money, it’s the non-military funding that the US gives abroad. Whilst I’m an advocate of Bolivia building less dependent relationships with the rest of the world, personally I don’t think that means becoming an outright enemy of the US, or refusing any aid from there, is the way to go. The country needs any funds it can get, the key point is it makes clear it can’t be bought with this aid.
The OTI projects you mention are not only for Cochabamba, they’re being made throughout Bolivia, they’re not pet-projects of Manfred. Those made in Cbba will only win him support, presumably, if they work for the local population. As Prefect of Cbba Manfred has a responsibility to work for the whole department, not just the urban areas. Should he neglect his responsibilities & leave MAS with the “exclusivity” in the campo, just to make sure no-one can accuse him of trying to compete with them for the favour of the rural electorate?
I can agree with your qualms about the School of the Americas. And that Manfred is ambitious, & adept at PR. But from there to say that the events in Cbba were an orchestrated ploy by Manfred-behind-the-scenes to use thugs to get him back into power sounds a wee bit hyped. If there was any organizational element in the pro-Manfred camp there, it was certainly less direct, & extensive, I believe than the highly-organised anti-Manfred camp (read cocaleros, movimientos sociales, MAS etc who guess what… all lead to who’s already in power & has the democratic means to change things peacefully). There were a lot of strings pulled from that side, believe me. Manfred simply used the opportunity to try to capitalise on an already political situation.
I think a lot of the nasty things that we saw were a gut-panic reaction borne simply out of fear of a lot of people in Cbba. They got a bit fed up of the way things were being done, that people from outside could hold the city hostage just because Evo wasn’t always getting his own way. Fear & frustration are not good guiders of behaviour, sure there was some thuggery, but even otherwise peaceful citizens can lose it if it becomes too much..
Anyhow, an interesting post Anon. Any more on why you have reservations about Manfred, & who you would consider a more appropriate leader of the opposition in Bolivia, would be most welcome.
Good wishes my friend,
Jack
I'd be interested to read your take on the whole "Ponchos Rojos" issue. Because, at least on the surface, it sure looks as if Evo (by publicly lauding them and watching them parade "in review") seems to have encouraged an indigenous "paramilitary" force. Which is troubling.
Absolutely outstanding post Jim. Please thank Jonas for sharing that.
If I may Jack,
Regarding who could be a potential leader for the opposition in Bolivia…..that is a tough one.
I have kept myself abreast of events in Bolivia since I left as a young boy. In my almost 30 years away from Bolivia I have always seized the opportunity to engage other Bolivians on this subject. Some of them are professional men and women, some have been and are in military positions and others are former politicians. All of whom I hold in high esteem.
The one recurring conclusion I came up with after every conversation is that Bolivia doesn’t have any TRUE PATRIOTS anymore. Men or women who, if in power, would do what is best for Bolivia….. this conclusion extends to evo morales. Women or men that would put Bolivia’s best interest ahead of their own, Bolivia’s prosperity ahead of their own and Bolivia’s prestige ahead of their own. Past presidents, many of them products of the privileged and elite, failed to recognize that such ineptitude or greed or apathy (you pick) would some day result in the turmoil Bolivia faces today!
This lack of vision of past leaders has culminated in a president that is not capable of leading a country. A president that is driven by resentment and animosity towards the “blancos” (for lack of a better term) a president who wants to divide and conquer his own nation.
Who could be an “appropriate” leader for the opposition in Bolivia? I’m sure there are a few. Who should be the leader of Bolivia??? That should be the question.
Regards,
V.A.A.
USA
That is right people, I also marched up to the Plaza de las Banderas, arrived when the main fighting was right in front off Jim’s office and I can tell you that almost all the details are true. As a matter of fact, it is very possible that Jonas have seen what he described and nothing else. I will have to add up the same thing else that he did not see.
Jones said, “The police, using their own bodies as shields, ferried them one by one or in small groups through the pro-Manfred marchers to empty streets or to ambulances. These panicked campesinos hurried through corridors of screaming, stick-waving marchers to safety, a few sustaining blows from sticks even as they ran”. What he did not see is that some democracy fighters, mostly old farts like me, also helped injured campesinos and stranded cocalero women to safety with the police. I will say, yes, a lot of hate speech was given to does poor souls and very, very few additional blows; don’t you wish Cristian Urresti would have gotten only hate speeches in the other side, hate speech also constantly used by the SS (Social Sector) and cocaleros; when Cristian was being moved to a hospital with his head busted open and blood over his face, the poor kid received more blows and a hanging from the nearest tree, instead of protection and a hospital.
I said that Jim is a lair because he says he was not a witness of what happen, but lairs always make mistakes. The picture shown in this blog, which Jim confesses comes from the democracy center offices balcony is the first one of several published in the hard core and racist indigenous power oriented institution indymedia Bolivia, in an article asking for people to identify who the freedom fighter were, to punish them later on, off course. Please see the link to the publication:
http://bolivia.indymedia.org/es/2007/01/38704.shtml
The fact is, the SS had a barricade at only 20 meters of Jim’s front door office, and one of the most violent clashes occurred right in his corner. You can see the pictures of the freedom fighters starting their retreat when the SS were charging them. Look closely at the picture and you will see that the so called Manfred backers are mostly youth, men and women; that are obviously not involved in politics. They are most probably the sons and relatives of Jones’, “a man in business clothes with a black eye and a cut on his face approached me and warned me to be careful. He had been beaten up by campesinos the day before when he was caught taking photographs of a blockade. According to him, he had absorbed some 30-40 kicks and punches. This standoff ended without violence”.
I will say Jones’ idea of non violence have a very short spam of time. And Jim doesn’t know how to lie; we can even see him in one of the pictures witnessing the incoming SS, not in the plaza principal like he affirmed some blogs ago but right in his balcony.
Thanks V.A.A.
I asked about the opposition leader for 2 reasons really. One because (for better or for worse depending on your point of view) I think Evo’s position is fairly safe for the time being.
Secondly who is head of the opposition could have a significant impact on the Bolivian political scene.The country is today not all united behind Evo, there’s probably about 45% (& maybe more) of the electorate who either would not even consider voting for him, or as of today anyway would probably vote for someone else. That’s about 1 in 2 VAA, it’s not a fringe vote. The 45% is made up of many different elements, sure. That’s why who’s leader of the opposition – ie who can get the most out of this 45% to gravitate to him - is important.
If, as is quite likely, the CA doesn’t reach agreement within the summer, things will go to a referendum. Big vote. Important vote. Evo’s been clever doing it this way, he’s conceded on the 2/3 (this will help him win back those in the middle-ground that have strayed from him on grounds of his being autocratic) & choosing the referendum (which can be easily sold as a democratic instrument he’s giving to the people, which it is ofcourse…) he is effectively going to be asking voters to go with him or against. Knowing that the alternative is “no change”, chuck away 18 months & start from scratch.
Just 2 colours to choose from then, no room for shades, can’t make a new colour from different shades...
Me reckons he’s got a good chance of winning the ref, unless there’s someone that can emerge from the opposition able to gather both the anti-Evo vote, & more to the point, the middle-ground.
In the meantime ofcourse, the referendum “sword of damocles” hanging over the CA’s head kind of screws up any plans the opposition parties may have to make deals to beat him there. He may not be able to win 2/3rds, but sure as dammit they won’t either! Guess he figured well I might as well keep them divided then, without even an illusion to gather around…
So back to my question – Manfred? Tuto? Medina? Someone else?
Cast your votes amigos, & decide on a strong alternative, or it’s Evo for a while yet..
Jack
Joaquino for president!
however, he does have to run with a noncontroversial eastern representative... that is the tough part, finding an eastern representative that will not deduct too many votes in the western side of the country...
my guess is the next guy or girl will be another Indian, and will take everyone by surprise- especially those looking to the Media to create the next guy or girl.
one issue to think about, and is bound to become politicized as the referendum approaches, is the ongoing increase in the voter's registry. making Democracy more inclusive also means aggressively signing people up to vote, and giving them valid ID cards, which to me seems obvious.
but of course, many will rate it as a ploy to favor Evo and point at what Chavez did in Venezuela, as if it were a bad thing (remember he recently obtained around 7 million votes, TWICE the number of people that elected him in a landslide in 1998) so Chavez was elected by a majority of two times as many people who voted the first time he was elected. a complicated sentence, and a complicated situation for the opposition too.
Anon 11:00; Don't you think that maybe, the same amount of people voted for Chavez, but twice. Since he got the national electorade curt under his power, look who is his second in command know silly boy. Why do you thin Evo has always tried hard to get Bolivia's Electorad Curt outsted. He is quiet now, but you will see him ramping against this institution again when voting for the referendum occurre.
Jack,
Your analysis of Bolivia’s political panorama is right on the $. So again… who would be an appropriate leader to the opposition? I don’t think Manfred could do it. After the recent and violent events that took place in Cochabamba he has become or might be perceived as an antagonist to the indigenous movement. Not as another politician making his case for what direction the country should take. Tuto had his chance and blew it. I had high hopes in Tuto after Banzers death. I thought his educational background and different mentality (not like the old school Bolivian view) would invigorate the country and push it towards prosperity..not so. Samuel..I don’t know enough about him to make an educated argument for or against. But I always thought that a leader with an entrepreneur background would be effective in running a country.
The sad truth is Bolivia’s latest generation has not produced someone that stands out. Every aspirant in the arena is either a demagogue, an anarchist or corrupt. Not much to choose from.
Regards,
V.A.A.
Interesting post, BL.
In which photo did you see Jim?
On what street is that?
Dear Jim, dear readers,
Every citizen of Bolivia born in Bolivia above 35 years has the legitimate right to aspire to be president. It seems you forget sistematically that Bolivia still has a democracy and that now danger to democracy comes from the president of the 6 cocalero unions, being also president of MAS (and President of all Bolivians...) who continuously applies methods of cocalero sindicate leadership as President. And what was bad with authoritarian former Presidents can never justify "Cambio" with the same anti-democratic methods !
If on the other hand a reasonable man like Manfred Reyes promotes reasonable democratic actions to improve Bolivia's democracy, I think you should rather applaud.
This yes would be "Helping People Build Democracy from the Ground Up"
There is no doubt, that the clashes in Cochabamba have been caused not by inaction of the Ministerio de Gobierno (e.g. sinning by omission of complying the duty to keep public order), but by malicious action (sinning by doing the contrary of what mandates the constitution, which in democracy is above any will of government !).
Action 1) inciting actively the Cocaleros to occupy the town space.
Action 2) trial to attack the public building of Prefectura, rejected by police.
Action 3) The appointed Ministra de Gobierno retires command of police from democratically elected prefect Manfred Reyes and dismisses the new Police commander of Cochabamba "DONDE MANDA MINISTRA NO MANDA PREFECTO" !!! with the consecuence of violent "campesinos" putting fire on the public building Prefectura.
Only after all that anticonstitutional action by MAS government leaders, citizens of the town Cochabamba started organizing.
At last unfortunately modest people fighted modest people. All this clearly caused by malicious action from the center of government power, leading to violence with 2 dead and over 200 blessed.
Please fight for democracy, against violence, against power abuse, against powerty, but for human rights, not for a certain type of interpretation of the "will of the PEOPLE".
Frank
In Bolivia there is a saying, boldly translated in English, that says; “there is no blinder men than the ones that don’t want to see”.
B-L -
I meant my question as a request, not a challenge.
I've only seen two pictures of Jim, the one which is currently in the top left hand corner of this page, and the picture that was in the same place before he posted the more recent one. Because of this, I might not recognize him instantly when he is amongst a crowd.
Frank,
Enter to B-L cited web page;
http://bolivia.indymedia.org/es/2007/01/38704.shtml
I think B-L is implying the old man at the right in a terraze in the last photo is Jim. It could probably be true since the first photo in that same page is the some one Jim says in this post that come from his office.
Our Camba friend "Roberto" from Santa Cruz has it right. More power to you, and on what he say's... un abrazo de la "LLayta". What you said is very true and not the garbage, one read on the blogs posted by gringos. Cochabamba, Bolivia
The above post implies that it is from a Boliviano. Not likely since they misspell "Llajta" when emphasizing it.
As to that posts truth claims, Roberto wrote:
Action 1) inciting actively the Cocaleros to occupy the town space.
Action
No harm; All citizens have the right to assemble in a public space. For example: In the US, that right is stated in the first amendment.
2) trial to attack the public building of Prefectura, rejected by police.
Misstates the facts. All objective eyewitnesses report the citizenry was peacefully marching when a mid-level police officer was ordered to command that the marchers be gassed and shot with "balines". That provoked the demonstrators.
Action 3) The appointed Ministra de Gobierno retires command of police from democratically elected prefect Manfred Reyes and dismisses the new Police commander of Cochabamba "DONDE MANDA MINISTRA NO MANDA PREFECTO" !!! with the consecuence of violent "campesinos" putting fire on the public building Prefectura.
First the police fired on the demonstrators and seeing the harm caused to the victims provoked the unlawful act of setting a match to the prefectura.
The appropriate course of action is a criminal investigation to prosecute ALL parties that acted in concert as an association of fact to cause harm by violating laws. That includes the paramilitaries in Cochabamba and Santa Cruz like the Nacion Camba and Union Civica Juvenil.
Roberto wrote
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