Thursday, August 16, 2007

Report from Sucre

Readers,

Once again with this post we return to The Democracy Center team in Sucre, the city named for Bolivia's first President and the site of the nation's constitution-writing Constituent Assembly. Today's post sets the scene and captures a snapshot of a day on the life of one of the Assembly Commissions.

Jim Shultz



Report from Sucre

We arrived in Sucre one Tuesday morning, the week before Independence Day, Aug 6, which also marks the one-year anniversary of the Constituent Assembly. Known as the White City or the Athens of America, Sucre’s population of just under 250,000 is settled in a valley of low mountains. It was a pre-colonial capital and then wore many names under Spanish rule – La Plata, Chuquisaca, and finally Sucre in 1840, to honor the General who fought for its independence in 1825.

A year ago, this beautiful and sleepy city was transformed into a buzzing community of Constituent Assembly representatives and support staff. Even on the streets, one feels the dignified but busy atmosphere. When the morning meetings let out for lunchtime, Sucre’s eating establishments – from cafés and restaurants to the pensions in the marketplace (popular-style restaurants that serve local food) are filled with small groups of representatives. Many of the representatives even rent rooms in the same buildings, forming enclaves and communities dispersed throughout the city.

Teatro Gran Mariscal

Most of the action is concentrated in two buildings, the Teatro Gran Mariscal and the Colegio Junín. Teatro Gran Mariscal, where the plenary (full-congress) sessions take place, sits four blocks north of Sucre’s main plaza, next to Bolivia’s Supreme Court. It is the kind of elegant colonial-style building that Sucre is known for with its ornate white columns, topped with the Bolivian flag of red, yellow, and green flying proudly next to the red and white departmental flag for Chuquisaca. Sucre remains the judicial capital of Bolivia, the seat of the Supreme Court, while executive and legislative headquarters of the government are in La Paz.

Inside, the room where the Constituent Assembly meets for floor debate is reminiscent of European opera houses, with three tiered balconies adorned with pale yellow and white carvings of lion heads. Two hundred and fifty five oak desks fill the floor of what would be audience seating, each equipped with a microphone and a call box. Marble staircases outside the theater lead up to the second floor press and visitors’ balconies.

That Tuesday evening, the Gran Mariscal was filled with representatives. They were preparing to vote on the final report of the Assembly’s operating expenses for the past year. As the vote drew nearer, the debate grew more and more intense. Opponents to the approval of the report steadily raised their voices claiming that there had not been enough transparency in the fiscal administration. Other representatives called out, “If you are against what this Constituent Assembly is doing, why don’t you give back your salary from the last year?”

One representative opposing the passage of the report kept protesting insistently. Constituent Assembly President Silvia Lazarte finally cut off the debate, calling for a vote. The representative continued to argue and insist loudly throughout the vote, even though the budget report passed with nearly two-thirds majority.

Colegio Junín

Colegio Junín is the second oldest public school in Bolivia, founded in 1621. It was still functioning as a school up until a year before the Constituent Assembly was convened, when it began to be repaired. Since then, it has been converted from a schoolyard into Constituent Assembly Central. It does not look that impressive from the outside, but the inside opens up to a large cobblestone patio surrounded by two floors of offices, with balconies painted blue and orange.

These days, the patio and halls are filled with clusters of reporters and their technical crews gathered around individual representatives speaking on the latest proceedings. Each commission office hums with activity – representatives’ assistants and commission staff discussing the latest happenings of the commission and, in interior meeting rooms, representatives working out new agreements on article language and text.

In mid-July, the 21 commissions assigned to write the main articles of the new Constitution, finished debating and finalizing the articles they will propose, be they by consensus, by majority, or by minority. Now the commissions that overlap on their approved articles are meeting together in joint meetings to iron out the differences and redundancies. Support staff familiar with the process estimate that the mixed meetings will take another month to present a coherent and usable product.

After the mixed meetings, the next step will be the Settlement Commission (Comisión de Concertación). The Assembly leadership will join forces with the heads of the political parties and the presidents of the commissions to try to reach compromises and approve more articles of the new Constitution by consensus. Then the Constitution will be sent to the full Assembly (plenary session) for debate and a final decision, in which each article must be approved by a 2/3 vote.

[In a previous blog post we wrote that the Settlement Commission would be meeting in the week up to August 6. That is not the case, as the entire process will be extended through to December 14 of this year.]

The commissions are remarkably open to public access. Anyone is able to sit in on most committee meetings, and the Assembly representatives, when not rushing to the next meeting, are very open to questions and conversations afterwards. One morning while we were there, the extent of that openness was tested.

It was a joint meeting of the New State Structure Commission and the Economic Development and Finance Commission. The representatives had already delved deep into their day’s work when an assistant came in with a message that several spokespeople from the Professionals’ Association, who had organized a march for that morning, wished to meet with them. The joint meeting agreed to let them come in to present their demands. “Five minutes. We can give them five minutes of our time,” the representatives decided.

Then the spokespeople from the Professionals’ Association march filed into the meeting room. Their first few words were humble and flattering to the Constituent Assembly but the tone quickly changed. Spokespeople claimed they had been refused a meeting the day before, a charge the representatives denied, explaining that it must have been another commission.

The professionals began advocating their point, claiming that professionals (doctors, lawyers, architects, pharmacists, etc.) that were associated with them were more reliable and accredited. They presented their demand that the new Constitution include specific protection for Professional Associations. A few Assembly representatives critiqued the associations, citing examples of young professionals who had graduated with honors but who could not afford the steep prices that the associations charge for membership.

Commission President Isabel Dominguez cut off all parties, offering an evening meeting time, which the professionals initially balked at. In the end, after forty-five minutes of initial heated interaction, the representatives even rearranged their afternoon schedules to accommodate the professionals’ spokespeople. The professionals left the room and the joint meeting of the two commissions continued, article by article, smoothing out the differences and overlaps.

The next day, the local press reported that the afternoon meeting had been fruitful for both sides. On one side, the Assembly representatives had ensured the professionals’ right to their associations. In exchange for that greater protection, the associations agreed to reduce the cost of joining to make membership more accessible to all professionals.

Our first few days in Sucre showed us a Constituent Assembly divided by political fault lines and but also willing to listen to other sides of the debates. It is an Assembly whose leaders are seasoned veterans of partisan conflict but also skilled at building compromises between the wide range of people and perspectives that exist in this country.

Written by Leny Olivera, Aldo Orellana, and Lily Whitesell

64 Comments:

Blogger mcentellas said...

Actually, Bolivia's first president was Simon Bolivar.

2:00 PM  
Anonymous Bolivia Libre said...

But my dear Centellas, what do you aspect from a Web page that loves to misinform about Bolivia. Yes, Simon Bolivar was the first Bolivian president as Andres de Santa Cruz y Calaumana, Bolivia’s seventh president was our first endogenous president and not Evo Morales Aima. Both have in common not only the mother’s endogenous last name, both run an authoritarian government.
It is also not a surprise that Jim’s zealots did not mentioned a bit about “Casa Argandona”, the regime’s stronghold in Sucre where the Mazist planed boycotting all possibilities of achieving a new constitution trough consensus and democracy but rallied on the foreign advise of some European endogenous radicals feed by Venezuelan money.
It is also not a surprise that they didn’t mention that the Masist just stabbed the constituent in the back when they decided to break the assembly’s regulation ones more and voted by simply majority not to discuss moving the Bolivian Capital to Sucre. Funny thing? discussing things was the purpose of this assembly.
As I already commented one time, what begins bad ends bad, this constituent assembly will terminate as bad as the totalitarian MAS regime will, let’s hope the blood is keep only among those that are whishing for it.

4:17 PM  
Anonymous don said...

That was a dull description of the constitutional assembly in Sucre. All bun and no meat. Not a word on the Venezuelan money men working behind the scenes. Thank God for Libre's analysis, brilliant as usual.

6:05 PM  
Blogger Tambopaxi said...

I have the impression from reading this posting that the CA is composed of a group of reasonable delegates engaged in civil discourse, disagreeing on points, but willing to negotiate. In short, almost a gentlemanly get together of folks right up there on a level with our own Constitutional drafters a couple of centuries ago.

Meanwhile, over at MabbLog, the situation is Elmo hot, as Miguel puts it so well, with demonstrations in the street, and groups and delgations pulling out of the CA right and left (so to speak).

How realistic is this posting? Is it pretty much bun, as don puts it?

10:24 AM  
Blogger mcentellas said...

I enjoy Jim's optimism. I really do. But the assembly has been (on the whole) a disaster. Where is the info on the fist fights inside the sessions? Or the current hunger strike by Sucre's delegation? There were a lot of fights, many of them quite childish (and that goes for all sides on the debates, not just MAS or the opposition). I'm sorry, but this post was very very "fluffy" w/ little analysis. Of course, Jim didn't write it. So let's not heap all the blame on him.

But that last paragraph? That has almost no bearing on reality. It's pure spin. The one constant thread during the past YEAR (why is this blog only now covering the Assembly in detail?) has been the unwillingness of delegates to listen, compromise, or agree on anything.

10:35 AM  
Anonymous sucker said...

"a gentlemanly get together of folks right up there on a level with our own Constitutional drafters"

enough said, Daddy Yankee. I like Calle 13 myself. try if the African slaves, non-land holding anglosaxons, women, the Navajo, Iriqois, Cherokee and others had been represented.

Miguel, you do have to consider that the economic/social interest groups who benefit the most from an apparent disorder and failure of the Assembly are the very ones in charge of the mass Media which proclaims its death!

I think the more legitimate claims against the CA come from the left, on the basis of its party-only nature. This had eliminated some direct grassroots intervention, but on the whole the level of discussion and compromise really is encouraging.

Libre, Andres de Santa Cruz may have been biologically mestizo, but culturally and socially he was clearly criollo. Class and social group enters very much into the historic moment of Evo's first indigenous presidency.

2:05 PM  
Blogger mcentellas said...

Sucker (since that's what you called yourself):

I'm well aware that many of the critics of the constituent assembly are elites who have much to lose under a new constitution. I don't think I've ever been dismissive of that.

My criticism of this post (as was that of others) is that if I had only read this post about the CA, I would come away thinking that this was a cakewalk, not a real contensious (and at times ridiculously so!) process. The post (particularly the last paragraph) seemed like PR-speak for how wonderful this was, no problems, what a model of tolerance and smooth politics.

I'm sorry. But that's just not true. Regardless of whether the critics have their own agenda (both on the left and the right). But the CA has been a real mess most of the time. I also have to argue against the idea that many of the delegates (regardless of their party affiliation) are "pros" (as the post implies). The whole process has been marked by petty fights, imaturity (on all sides), and a high level of complete incompetence.

Your point about how contentious the US constitutional convention would have been had slaves, women, and other minorities been included is spot on. It would have been very contentious. But your point doesn't negate the common observation that the Bolivian CA process has been chaotic (to say the least). We're well aware that the US "founding fathers" were very flawed. How does that help us to understand the current situation in Bolivia?

Finally, I know that whether Evo is an "indigenous" (whatever that means) president or not (or whether he was the first) is being debated. But I agree that Evo's presidency is nevertheless historic for his position as an "indigenous" oriented head of state. No doubt there.

Seriously, re-read the post above. Does it sound like objective reporting? Like journalistic analysis? Does it seem to provide any insight into the actual process -- especially the many problems -- of the constituent assembly in Bolivia? No. It's mostly wishful thinking and romaticizing.

And that's a real shame, since many DC readers probably won't be able to read other reports. In short, it's a real disservice. And it falls well below the par for this blog (which at times has had excellent reporting). I chalk it up to inexperienced interns and lack of editorial oversight.

4:04 PM  
Anonymous Anonymous said...

Looks like the DC team landed in a parallel Sucre, where everything is honky dory, I expected a lot more than this, WHERE'S THE BEEF!!

4:18 PM  
Blogger mcentellas said...

I'm also wondering why it took the DC team a year to send anyone to Sucre (an 8 hour bus trip from Cocha) to cover the event. I don't think it was lack of funding.

11:00 AM  
Anonymous Bolivia Libre said...

Miguelito, you know that trying to make the DC to confess that they knew from day one that the constituent assembly was a no go it is next to impossible. Jim knew that the only important time would be at its end, when the shit is going to hit the fan. Don’t forget that Jim is the official English spokesmen for the mazist regime.

Sucker, “Class and social group enters very much into the historic moment of Evo's first indigenous presidency”!!!. It is a pathetic way to try defending the mazist absolutely racist interpretation in relation to Evo’s first indigenous president status. You might be able to fool people not living in the country, but not us Bolivians that already suffered the mazist lie about Evo pretending to be everybody’s president. Furthermore, I happen to know first hand the “status”, in terms of political power and economic capabilities of union leaders in Bolivia and at the moment of his elections at the presidency, Evo was fare from being in the social group you are trying to pretend to include him on. I don’t even want to try to figure out your definition of class, but you can try to care to enlighten us with your definition so we can see the type of indigenous fascist you are.

3:12 PM  
Anonymous sucker said...

Libre, Evo had 100.000$ when he became president and he was a powerful union leader. So I cannot possibly defend the 'mazist absolutely racist interpretation' of 'Evo's first indigenous president status'. Umm, because, indios can't have money, or political power, right?

Reverse racism is a bitch and its real, but hey, lets not bullshit ourselves about who's been holding the whip for longer.

And back to Santa Cruz, seriously you mean to have our gullible readers from outside Bolivia think that this guy in any way represented or identified legitimately with the masses of then-enslaved indios ?

To your point Miguel, I take it for granted that objectivity in writing and reporting do not exist, so I guess when I read this it was with the usual grain of salt.

Other sources provide plenty of scandal and spectacle, it is nice to read some positive and honest opinions.

But about my useful little comparison, I'm not sure I see the difference between Usamerica's competent yet "contentious" fictional constituent assembly, and Bolivia's "chaotic", "incompetent" but very real one.

I hope your analysis didn't hang on these somewhat synonymous adjectives :P I mean, we all know the basic issues at stake: land, autonomy, tax money, natural resources. Period. Sure we might like others, but the limits of a party-electoralist Assembly have led to these main points.

So I think that in a very real way, if you look beneath the spectacle provided by private and public media, beyond fist-fights and diversionary tactics (i.e. moving the capital- a billion$ expenditure, for crying out loud), these people are actually envisioning and debating at least two complex and differing views of the nation.

5:52 AM  
Anonymous Bolivia Libre said...

Sucker, you are the one that brought up the “class and social” bull shit, I assume by your question that you still associate pre conquest indigenous look a like with poverty, which is grossly incorrect. As I told you, the mazists and the neo indigenous fascists, Evo included, used Evo’s face to pretend to legitimize him with the masses and what you call indios. Andres de SC y Calaumana convinced the same group, in his time, that his mother descended from the Incas for his legitimization. If you don’t want to see the similitude is because of your own close mindedness.

Rewarding the whip, it is obvious that you only visited small towns in Bolivia to go eat the area’s specialties or to visit a friend with the big enclosed ranch; but the Country’s poorest of the poor, the ones under the whip after the Agrarian Revolution, live under the feudalistic rule of their union leaders. That is just 15 to 20 Km outside most main roads in Bolivia, especially in the quechua – aymara dominated region.

The Constituent Assembly fiasco speaks by itself; you should thank Miguel for spending his time trying to explain it to you.

7:55 AM  
Blogger mcentellas said...

I don't think anyone is disputing the fact that there is massive poverty in Bolivia. Roughly 60% of the population lives in "extreme" poverty. I'm certainly not blind to that fact.

But let's get beyond the issue of class or race for a second.

All I was discussing was that the post made it seem as if the constituent assembly (CA) was going smoothly. It is not. Not by a long shot. I didn't try to place blame on any one side. I didn't try to argue for whether Evo was or wasn't poor/indigenous/oppressed/whatever. I just wanted to emphasize that any picture of the CA that doesn't mention the absolute chaos of the process and try to provide some sort of analysis for that chaos is disingenous. Period.

Look, Evo clearly represents a large mass of poor, oppressed people. But let's not use that simple (and undeniable!) fact to whitewash other issues. Just because Evo represents the oppressed doesn't mean that he's doing a good job, or that he'll succeed (by whatever measures we choose to defined "success""), or that he's doing the right thing. Let's not romanticize the poor, the indigenous, or social movements. They are more complex than that. Let's not jump from the "savage indian" cliche to the "noble savage" one (both are incredibly patronizing, imperialist, and racist). I'd like to think we're more complex and intelligent for that.

11:39 AM  
Blogger mcentellas said...

And I still want to know why the Democracy Center, which is supposed to be an organization devoted to Bolivian democracy, took more than a year to send any of its "correspondents" to Sucre. We've had reports from the USA & from Europe. By why did no one go to Sucre?

A bus ticket from Cochabamba to Sucre costs about Bs.80 (about $10). I stayed in Sucre at a comfortable pensioneria three years ago; it cost me Bs.40/night (about $5). You could eat well in Sucre for about Bs.100/day (about $12). So to cover the CA would cost would cost about Bs.4,000/month (about $400). Assuming a staff of three people, I bet the DC could cover the entire first year of the assembly for under $5,000. As far as international NGOs go, that's pocket change.

So. I still want to know. Why did DC not send anyone to Sucre for the entire first year? And now it sent three. And three who don't seem up to the task. Why didn't Jim go? I'm sure his reports would've been much more informative.

11:45 AM  
Blogger mcentellas said...

Sorry, I forgot to multiply by three. A staff of three people full time in Sucre for a year might have cost DC $15,000.

11:47 AM  
Anonymous sucker said...

Ok, things aren't going smoothly but I really don't see a need to dwell on that in every report, as I mentioned there are two things going on. First, the discussion and negotiation of the underlying core points, and second the visible media scandals and tug of war. This is definitely an attempt to present the CA in a different light, but I wouldn't call it disingenuous to completely ignore much of the BS such as the capital issue, rather it digs deeper to some real issues.

As for the race issue, I agree lets not dwell on that, but since Libre presents a clear effort to mark the MAS government as racist, I have to point out how silly this is. Its just ridiculous that after less than two years of Evo, all the white people are running around crying "racism". Where the fuck were they before 2005? But I don't think you and I are disagreeing on this Miguel, again I just take issue with Libre's constant attempts to brainwash our gullible readers from outside Bolivia.

4:27 PM  
Blogger mcentellas said...

No problem, S. I guess my biggest beef is that there has been very little reporting on the CA on this blog (funny, since this is a "Blog from Bolivia" but we've lately gotten more posts about life in the US than about politics in Bolivia). And the first two "serious" reports about the CA are just not comprehensive at all. I'm actually rather appalled at how much they seem like a romanticized view of a very complex process.

I mean, I can understanding taking a moment to point out that the process isn't all bad (there are some moments of consensus). But many of this blog's target audience (Americans interested in social issues) probably can't read Spanish to read the 100s of Bolivian blogs out there or the online newspapers and so they rely on this as a "primary" source of information. If so, then I think a think tank w/ international aspirations has a duty to give more context that isn't just a "rah! rah! things are moving!" fluff piece.

Sorry, but that's just my opinion. A while ago, this blog used to give some rather detailed and interesting perspectives on issues. Yes, I'm sure many complained that it gave a partisan view. But it often linked to counter points (as it did w/ the Council of Foreign Relations report on Bolivia). But lately the quality has really gone downhill.

Look, I've lived & worked in Bolivia. So I know that there are two kinds of policy NGOs that work in the country. Let's be honest. There are the workhorse groups that produce policy papers, host presentations, etc. Many of them are also funded by foreig organizations (usually European). Then there are the "dilettant" groups made up of well-meaning American (and also European) lefties. I think Jim Schultz belongs in the first category, but I wonder if some of his (non-Bolivian) staff fits into the second category.

I would encourage foreigners who come to Bolivia to work on "social justice" issues to put away their Adbusters & Mother Jones magazines and start reading some Bolivian social history (if they have to read it in English, they could at least start w/ James Dunkerley, James Malloy, Eduardo Gamarra, and Herbert Klein). Then they might get a deeper historiographical context to what is going on today. Trying to fit Bolivian politics into a pre-conceived anti-globalization struggle (almost always described in Western terms) is just as patronizing.

4:48 PM  
Blogger mcentellas said...

I realize that I, too, haven't delved into all the minute details of the CA in my blog, either. Though I have covered it over the past year at least on a weekly basis (minus some brief hiatuses). But I don't get paid to blog (it actually costs me $11/month). I assume the Democracy Center has a budget for, among other things, this blog).

4:52 PM  
Anonymous sucker said...

oh boy, things are heating up eh? I will have to check back here and on your blog what is being said about this weeks events.

but I did find interesting that you bring up the NGO's in the same thread that Libre is telling us about the feudalistic rule of sindical/community leaders in rural Bolivia. much topic for discussion, and I would like to hear much more about Libre's experiences in these settings as he is right, I haven't spent more than a day or two at a time living "amongst the indios". I just wish you wouldn't only use your knowledge to catalog our government as Mazist and evil, Libre.

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