The World Bank Tries to Re-Write Bolivian History
As any Bolivian newspaper reader knows, paid political propaganda is a staple of the Sunday editions. Running full-page ads, or whole inserts, aimed at self-promotion is a practice that crosses ideological lines.In the same edition readers might be treated to twenty column inches of Evo Morales wrapping himself in the wonders of Bolivia's new aid plan for the elderly, side-by-side with four pages of photos of Cochabamba Governor Manfred Reyes Villa cutting ribbons at newly paved roads. All this of course is at Bolivian taxpayer expense.
Well, now the World Bank's Bolivia office has decided to get into the propaganda game. This month it produced a snazzy little 22-page booklet that it is distributing by the tens of thousands in three major Bolivian dailies, in La Paz, Cochabamba, and Santa Cruz. The booklet is titled, "Ten Things They Never Told You About the World Bank in Bolivia."
There is, however, a good reason that Bolivians aren't used to hearing some of the Bank's ten boasts – it's because they aren't true. In fact, a few of the Bank's claims wander so far into fiction that one wonders whether the Bolivia office has hired Pinocchio and Associates Inc. as its new public relations firm.
Inside the Imagination of the World Bank: We Won the Bechtel Case for You!
The real whopper among the Bank's claims is 'Thing They Never Told You #6': "The Aguas del Tunari Conflict [the Bechtel vs. Bolivia case] was resolved by an arbitration facilitated by the World Bank."
The Bank writes:
In 2002, after being expelled from Cochabamba the company Aguas Del Tunari [Bechtel's subsidiary] presented a demand before ICSID [The International Center for the Settlement of Investment Disputes, the World Bank-operated trade court]. In the end the controversy resulted in favor of the Bolivian state, which bought the shares of the company for a price of 2 dollars. This shows that arbitrations can prevent trials against countries and serve to resolve conflicts.
Perhaps a short look at the facts the Bank seemed to miss:
First, it was the World Bank itself that set the entire Bechtel-in-Cochabamba fiasco in motion. In 1997 the Bank made privatizing Cochabamba's water a condition of any further aid for expanding water service in the country. In the aftermath of the 2000 Water Revolt – following the bloody death of a 17-year-old boy and the wounding of more than a hundred others – Bank officials went to work to disclaim any connection to the privatization. But even those denials ended after The Democracy Center led reporters to a World Bank report confirming the Bank's demand that the water be privatized.
Second, the World Bank did not protect Bolivia from facing a case against it by Bechtel. It provided the venue where Bechtel filed the case, shielded from the public and press. Under the Bank's helpful graces Bechtel sought $50 million from Cochabamba water users, after having invested less than $1 million.
In 2002 when Cochabamba water users petitioned the Bank to open the case to public participation and media scrutiny, a tribunal headed by a World Bank appointee rejected the request, insisting that the case be handled in secret. Not surprisingly, none of this appears in the Bank's little booklet.
It seems quite clear that the Bank would love for Bolivians to believe that the Bank itself deserves credit for the case being settled for pennies. That honor however, goes not to the institution that aided Bechtel, but to Bolivian Waqter Revolt leaders and the thousands of citizens on five continents that pressured Bechtel to drop its Bolivian demand.
Other Bedtime Stories from the Bank
The Bolivia office of the World Bank's attempt at spin does not end with its re-write of history on Bechtel vs. Bolivia.
Take 'Thing They Never Told You #3': "The World Bank decided not to collect the debt that it had with Bolivia." This makes it sound like Bank officials just woke up one day with a big smiles on their face and a song in their hearts and out of great generosity suddenly decided to excuse Bolivia from paying back all the money it owed. Not mentioned is the fact that debt cancellation, in Bolivia and elsewhere, came only after a decade of aggressive campaigning by religious communities and others worldwide, who pointed out the heavy burden that the world's poorest were bearing to finance bogus development deals pushed and financed by the Bank. Maybe Bank officials just missed all those protesters outside the doors of their annual meetings.
Or consider ‘Thing They Never Told You #4’: “The World Bank is one of the least expensive sources of financing on the planet.” Whether this is true with regard to the Bank’s interest rates may be a reasonably debated point. But not included in the Bank’s definition of ‘cheap’ is the payment taken in lost democracy. Assistance from the World Bank is never a simple cash transaction, but one full of dictates and conditionalities about how nations should conduct their economic life – such as thou shalt privatize.
Banks making student loans, for example, do not generally dictate your college major. Nor do banks making home loans insist that you should paint your house green and not yellow. The World Bank however does not blanche at such demands and as a result of these conditions over the past decades; the price of World Bank loans in Bolivia has been very high indeed.
A History That Can Not Be Rewritten with Spin
There is certainly one thing that the World Bank got right – its image in Bolivia is miserable. The World Bank played a leading role in decades of so-called 'structural adjustment' policies that wrecked Bolivian industries, traded away natural resources at bargain prices, and left the country deeply in debt for boondoggle projects that often just benefited the small elite that cozied up to the Bank's ideological agenda. In fact, during the time in which Bolivia was supposedly deciding these issues 'democratically', the Bank had dozens of Bolivian public officials on its own consultant payroll, just to make sure the Bank's bidding was done correctly.
I am not, as some others are, a 'World Bank hater'. However, if the Bank's office here thinks that it can remake its image through public relations and spin, it may have another hard Bolivia experience ahead of it. Asked by e-mail about how much in Bank dollars the Bolivia office spent on the booklets, the Bank offered only that they cost 14 cents ($US) a piece to print but would not reveal how many they had printed nor the cost of distributing them. Secrecy, it seems, remains a World Bank reflex. But based on the number of Sunday papers distributed in the three cities (well more than 100,000), the Bank's public relations project was not a cheap enterprise.
The World Bank has a new representative in Bolivia, Oscar Avalle. If fiction is how Mr. Avalle intends to guide his tenure in Bolivia, he won’t be doing Bolivia, the World Bank, or himself any favors. My guess is that he can expect to hear from Bolivian social movement leaders about his opening act, and the welcome will not be a warm one.
Note: We have sent this Blog post to the World Bank's Bolivia office and invited officials there to respond, as they may wish, in the comments section below.
Labels: IMF/World-Bank

The Democracy Center, based in Cochabamba Bolivia and San Francisco California, works globally to advance human rights through a combination of investigation and reporting, training citizens in the art of public advocacy, and organizing international citizen campaigns. If you like the Blog, consider becoming a subscriber to The Democracy Center's free e-newsletter by sending us an email at 
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FROM CASH MAGAZINE
BOLIVIA, ¿HORA FINAL?
Bolivia, a esta altura, está descubriendo que tal como la crearon y concibieron, no resulta viable. El Estado andino ya no es viable en Bolivia. ¿Pueden los militares frenar la revolución burguesa que impulsa Santa Cruz? Lo estatal está roto, se va a pique.
La verdad aunque duela: Bolivia está lista. En el fondo, Bolivia no vive un combate entre cívicos y masistas. Ni vive una lucha entre el modelo socialista y el de mercado. Ni un conflicto entre blancos y negros, o entre ricos y pobres. Bolivia en lo básico, ni siquiera vive un problema entre regiones, donde Santa Cruz exitosa le quita el poder a La Paz fracasada.
Todos esos combates -que de existir, existen- son secundarios y no definen en esencia, lo que Bolivia está viviendo. No definen lo que en realidad nos acontece. Si se quiere, todos estos combates son simplemente las formas. Las características. Las consecuencias. Los efectos. Pero no son el fondo ni la causa del verdadero y extraordinario hecho de poder que vive Bolivia.
Porque señores, lo que de verdad le acontece a Bolivia es que vive hoy, con lujo de detalles, su inviabilidad como Estado moderno.
Y dentro de ese grande problema que es el fracaso histórico de Bolivia en la modernidad, se dan conflictos pequeños y secundarios: la lucha entre Santa Cruz y el MAS, la lucha entre regiones, entre blancos y negros, entre modelos económicos y en fin.
Ah, pero lo extraordinario de esta circunstancia histórica es eso: el agotamiento y el final de Bolivia entendida como Estado moderno. O sea, entendida como se la ha entendido hasta hoy.
Vale decir. Han desaparecido las fuerzas que inventaron Bolivia. Las que la inventaron como Estado moderno. Bolivia, a esta altura, está descubriendo que tal y como la crearon y concibieron, no resulta viable. Lo cual no deja de ser duro para muchos bolivianos.
Pero este análisis no hace opiniones morales ni emocionales. Este texto no dice que sea bueno el que Bolivia descubra y viva su inviabilidad. Este texto se limita a constatar que Bolivia no tiene fuerzas suficientes para ser un Estado. Y por eso, no lo es.
A ver. Seamos o no una nación -creo que no lo somos, pero eso es para otro artículo-, lo que no somos es un Estado. Más allá de todo sentimiento, aquí no hay fuerza ni condiciones objetivas para sostener lo estatal.
Los sentimientos, los nacionalismos, los amores y los odios mutuos uno se los inventa después. Para eso es la ideología y la política. Para inventarse barbaridades en el nombre de las cuales uno pueda gobernar en paz. Pero lo tangible y lo primero en el Estado es el poder. Y de eso, no existe en Bolivia.
El Estado.
Resulta que, de todos los órdenes políticos conocidos, quizá el que más fuerza requiere para su sostenimiento es aquel, llamado el Estado moderno.
La tribu, el municipio, la iglesia, la familia, el imperio y otros cientos de órdenes sociales y políticos, requieren -como es natural- de fuerza legítima para sostenerse. Pero el Estado moderno -lo que se llama el Estado moderno- es cosa seria. El Estado es la concentración de fuerza política, más intensa y directa que ha conocido la humanidad. La ley del Estado es ley que se obedece sin discusión.
Y articúlese el poder estatal mediante la democracia o lo haga mediante la dictadura, lo que no cambiará jamás es su naturaleza: su naturaleza de poder legal, omnipotente: indiscutible. Y en esto, en fuerza estatal, Bolivia tiene un problema serio.
Bolivia, donde lo estatal es inviable.
Pueden venir -e intentar el rescate de Bolivia y de su Estado- quienes quieran venir. Pueden venir dictadores de izquierdas o de derechas. Pueden venir demócratas o tiranos. Pueden venir gobiernos de unas razas o de otras -¿la aimarocracia? ¿la blanquiarquía? Pueden venir los que quieran. Y el resultado, caballeros, será siempre el mismo. El Estado andino ya no es viable en Bolivia.
¿Por qué? ¿Por qué no es viable? La razón es sencilla. La Bolivia andina, como sociedad, no tiene -ni tuvo- fuerza económica moderna para generar poder político moderno. Es decir, para generar poder estatal y absoluto.
Los estados modernos -cuya razón de ser es sostener la convivencia de las sociedades y de las economías capitalistas- no consisten en eso de los recursos naturales. Si tienen recursos naturales, tanto mejor. Pero si no los tienen, los compran.
Sinceramente, no se puede hacer un Estado gracias a un socavón minero o a un pozo de gas. Para bien y para mal, los estados modernos se basan en la industria, en el comercio y en los servicios que produce, compra y vende el mercado.
Es decir, los estados modernos se basan en economías capitalistas. Se basan en burguesías haciendo economía y pagando impuestos. Se basan en clases sociales y en relaciones que necesitan seguridad y libertad moderna. Lo demás -como los recursos naturales o la repartición de la riqueza que requiere una sociedad moderna- viene por añadidura.
Por eso, es parte de la picaresca boliviana el decirle a la gente que nacionalizando las minas o el gas, seremos más Estado y más nacionales. Picaresca o mentira piadosa. La política andina siempre ha impulsado dos estrategias: la destrucción de la economía privada y el engrandecimiento de la economía extractiva y gubernamental. Es la fórmula perfecta para impedir el Estado moderno. De ahí, la enorme dificultad de los proyectos andinos para construir lo estatal.
Hoy por hoy, en Bolivia, lo estatal se muestra inviable. La ley, las instituciones, la autoridad nacional y hasta el sello seco. Nada funciona. Lo estatal en Bolivia, existe de modo secundario y hasta ridículo frente a las miles de fuerzas no estatales que dan forma a nuestra vida pública.
La democracia rota.
Si lo estatal se hace inviable en Bolivia, ¿la democracia resultará perjudicada? Sí. De no existir Estado, la democracia moderna es inviable. Creer que en Bolivia vamos a construir la democracia mientras se derrumba lo estatal es de las cosas más estúpidas que se han escuchado.
La ruptura de lo estatal también ha aniquilado la posibilidad de la democracia en Bolivia. Por decir algo: la democracia -en cuanto mecanismo electoral que selecciona al gobernante- no funciona en nuestro país. O no siempre lo hace. Nuestra democracia no pone ni saca a los gobernantes. El palo vale tanto como el voto.
Pero además, la democracia -como modo de convivencia- tampoco funciona en Bolivia. El Estado andino es incapaz de sostener la convivencia democrática y pacífica.
La convivencia política viene caracterizada en Bolivia por asaltos sindicales al Congreso, por pateaduras a los collas, por discursos gubernamentales de un racismo que dejaría pálido a cualquier nazi, por constituyentes hechas en los cuarteles, por una cantidad impresionante de personas que mueren como víctimas de la violencia política (de un lado y de otro). Y en fin.
Nuestra democracia no está acosada por una fuerza dictatorial. Nuestra democracia está acosada por la ausencia de Estado. La ausencia de poder. La ausencia de ley obedecida. Acosada por la debilidad estructural del Estado andino, que se está hundiendo. Es decir, a la democracia boliviana no la rompe, ni la impide la dictadura, la rompe y la impide la anarquía.
Los poderes públicos están rotos.
Por supuesto, el ejercicio de los poderes públicos también está roto. Literalmente el Estado boliviano no puede sostener esos poderes.
El poder ejecutivo es campo de constante desobediencia y desacato. Revolución en estado puro. A los prefectos les importa un bledo lo que diga el Presidente y al Presidente otro tanto lo que digan los prefectos. O como en Sucre: los prefectos se echan y se nombran por aclamación. Y como en La Paz: los presidentes también se ponen y sacan por obra y arte de 'la movilización'.
El legislativo lo mismo. Está roto. Los sindicatos del MAS asaltan el parlamento y hacen la ley. Acto seguido, el Senado anuncia que no es necesario obedecer esa ley. El judicial ni qué se diga. Desaparecido en acción. Cero justicia constitucional. Piedra libre.
Y la Corte Nacional Electoral, no tiene un pelo de nacional. Es creíble para hacer elecciones en las poblaciones del maravilloso entorno del lago Titicaca. Quizá.
Todo ello, sin contar con el descalabro de la Policía. El motín habitual. O sin contar con la más radical de las desobediencias civiles: el linchamiento como menú del día. En Bolivia hay pena de muerte -como en Texas- y es cosa que aplica la gente de modo frecuente, directo y colectivo.
¿Hay conspiración tras la crisis de Bolivia como Estado?
Por favor. Despejemos las dudas chauvinistas, esas que sospechan que Santa Cruz, que las multinacionales, que el imperio, que el MAS o que cualquier otra gente conspira a conciencia contra la viabilidad del Estado boliviano.
Todo lo contrario. Esos actores, sus fuerzas y sus circunstancias son el efecto de la crisis de Bolivia y su forma estatal. No son la causa.
Que los nacionalistas me perdonen: en este artículo no hay una burguesía, unos cocaleros, unos indios o unos blancos, reunidos en un sótano conspirando contra la patria y su forma estatal. Lo siento. Esta vez no hay brujas que cazar.
Si la crisis de Bolivia fuera producto de una conspiración -como creen Sus excelencias, los señores Presidente y Vicepresidente- la solución fuera fácil: acabar con la conspiración y con los conspiradores. Pero esto es mucho más serio. Y cualquier conspiración -donde la haya- es moco de pavo, comparada con la crisis estructural del Estado andino.
Si mañana meten preso a Branco, a Costas, a Cossío, a los de las cortes electorales, al Mallku, a los indígenas del oriente, a los cooperativistas mineros que no son el MAS y a la virgen María, la crisis de lo estatal no sólo que permanecerá, se profundizará.
El Estado andino no necesita conspiración. Se ha roto solo y por esfuerzo propio. Porque esta crisis del Estado, Excelencias, es en serio. No es un problema que ustedes y sus amigos tengan a la hora de sostener sus cargos. Ustedes y sus cargos son lo de menos. Esta crisis es mucho más grande que las personales circunstancias que hoy agobian a nuestros gobernantes. Esta crisis es el fin de una época.
LAS DOS FUERZAS EN LA HORA DE LA CRISIS
La crisis del Estado boliviano viene acompañada por el surgimiento de dos fuerzas. Una, es el MAS, esa fuerza destinada a morir con el Estado que se hunde. Y la otra, es Santa Cruz, esa fuerza destinada a sustituir al Estado que desaparece.
EL MAS y el fin de lo estatal en Bolivia.
El MAS es la fuerza que surge en el momento de la agonía del Estado andino, justo para intentar salvarlo. Es la fuerza que emerge para salvar al viejo Estado colla, minero, populista. Salvar la obra portentosa del '52.
Y la fórmula de salvación que propone el MAS, como no podía ser menos, es el retorno a los orígenes. El gran retorno del estatismo. El retorno a los recursos naturales, a la raza, al partido único, al caudillo. El MAS huye hacia delante. Ante la caída del Estado propone más estatismo.
Sin embargo, caballeros, lo único que puede salvar a un Estado moderno que está a punto de desarticularse es una economía moderna que funcione. Ejemplo, España. Una economía capitalista que funcione y tribute es la base de la fortaleza estatal.
Mientras la sociedad y la economía boliviana no desarrollen una economía capitalista y moderna, no hay perspectiva alguna para recuperar el Estado boliviano. Y es obvio que impulsar una economía capitalista, abierta y burguesa, no es ni ha sido -jamás-, el plan del MAS.
El MAS hunde al Estado.
A ver: para bien y para mal, el MAS es una enorme fuerza política, cuyo éxito en la lucha perenne por el poder, le conduce a la desarticulación -involuntaria- del Estado boliviano.
No veo viable ningún plan viable, ni del MAS, ni de Goni -dignos representantes del poder andino, ambos- para salvar ese Estado que hoy se hunde. El Estado boliviano, como proyecto económico y como proyecto político, está estructuralmente dañado. Ni los chamanes del MAS, ni los harvard boys de Goni pueden hacer mucho para levantarlo.
Por eso, lo trágico del MAS es que, a pesar de sus intenciones, no tiene ninguna posibilidad de funcionar como camino de salvación para el Estado andino. Al contrario: tiene todas las probabilidades para acabar de hundirlo. El MAS es un proyecto cuya intención es salvar el Estado andino, pero cuyo destino es enterrarlo.
El MAS, en el fondo, es parte de la desarticulación del Estado boliviano. En realidad, creo que necesitamos al MAS para organizar los funerales del Estado andino.
El Estado hunde al MAS.
El Estado que se hunde arrastra al MAS. El MAS es la reacción refleja, maravillosa y folklórica del Estado andino que se muere. Es su último pataleo.
Y por eso, el MAS debe aguantar con serenidad su propio calvario y destino. El MAS vino al mundo con la misión de compartir con el Estado andino, la enfermedad de ser inviables en la modernidad.
Santa Cruz y el fin del Estado boliviano.
¿Es la rebelión autonomista una estocada final contra el Estado andino? No lo es. El Estado andino ya estaba listo antes de la cuestión autonómica. La cuestión cruceña -simplemente- es una señal: la señal de que la crisis de ese Estado es definitiva.
La tal rebelión autonomista de Santa Cruz es un resultado natural. Es lo normal cuando el centro se hunde en la pobreza y la periferia despega en el capitalismo. Los detalles son lo de menos. Por eso, termine como termine la cuestión cruceña, el Estado colla y sus elites -sean indias o sean blancas- está acabado.
El MAS, en vano pierde el sueño pensando que Santa Cruz le quitará el poder del Estado central. Y por eso, es mala la estrategia del MAS buscando 'derrotar' a Santa Cruz, con la esperanza de salvar el pellejo propio y el de su Estado en agonía.
Santa Cruz está en otra. No sólo en términos de fuerzas, sino también en términos de tiempos. Santa Cruz ya se llevó el poder que le corresponde según su fuerza. El poder sobre sí mismo. El poder de continuar su camino capitalista, agroindustrial.
Por eso, el proyecto de Santa Cruz no es tomar La Paz, la Comibol, YPFB, la Cancillería, el Palacio y toda la parafernalia del viejo Estado central y andino. El proyecto de Santa Cruz -para el cual tiene fuerza de sobra- es pasar página respecto al viejo Estado central. Pasar página y comenzar un nuevo tiempo.
A futuro.
¿Qué hará el Estado central en su última hora? ¿Se conformará con dar paso a un Estado federal y capitalista? Es decir, ¿caminará Bolivia hacia un modelo con departamentos muy fuertes e insertos en el mercado y la economía mundial?
El MAS, sus generales y El Alto intentan sobrevivir de modo desesperado. Y harán todo lo que sea necesario para lograrlo. Junto a ellos, habrá un coro de voces menores rajándose también por pervivir: los joseluises exenic, los albarracines, las anamarías, los jesuses juarez y toda la superestructura del estatismo pro masista.
A la vez, habrá un montón de políticos andinos que, no estando con el MAS, tampoco sobrevivirán políticamente al hundimiento del Estado andino. Por la derecha acabarán de hundirse los partidos tradicionales, incluyendo a los carlos mesas de turno. Y por la izquierda, se hundirán con el Estado fracasado los quispes, los solares y compañía.
Aviso para políticos andinos. Si quieren sobrevivir, de aquí en adelante, tendrán que trabajar un proyecto paceñista. O uno potosinista. U otro alteñista… y así en cada sitio. El andino que se meta en política para dársela de político 'nacional' estará pateando oxígeno. No existe la más mínima posibilidad de que el capitalismo exitoso de la mitad oriental del país se someta a la frágil gobernación andina. Y en esto, da igual quién esté en Palacio.
En el trabajo de construir alternativas políticas collas, pero volcadas a lo local y a lo departamental, veo que están adelantando esfuerzos, tipos como el alcalde de La Paz, el de Potosí y el propio prefecto paceño. Esos tienen buen instinto y gran entrenamiento.
Ahora bien. En medio del naufragio, me pregunto si los actores políticos andinos soportarán una transición pacífica ¿O veremos tropas militares marchando a paso de parada en la calles de Santa Cruz, Sucre, Trinidad, Cobija y Tarija? Es decir, ¿cómo vendrán los coletazos del agónico Estado boliviano y sus coristas?
¿Pueden los militares frenar la revolución burguesa que Santa Cruz impulsa? Quizá. Por lo menos, pueden intentarlo. Hoy, dos datos claros y una incógnita:
Primer dato. Lo estatal está roto. Lo estatal se va a pique. Arrastra a la ley, arrastra al sistema político y arrastra a los políticos collas en general.
Segundo dato. Santa Cruz se niega a tomar parte del naufragio andino y arma un camino autónomo junto a la mitad del país, para buscar perspectivas de futuro.
La incógnita. ¿Cómo encajarán esta crisis tan grave, el MAS y el resto de los políticos andinos? ¿Lo harán desde la violencia? ¿Lo harán huyendo hacia adelante y buscando las soluciones por el desastre? ¿O contribuirán -más bien- a una transición pacífica y controlada entre el viejo Estado que se hunde y el nuevo modelo territorial, político y económico que hoy surge en el oriente? Nadie sabe. Habrá que esperar unos meses.
FROM NYT
Who holds the world’s oil? You might assume it’s in the hands of big private oil companies like ExxonMobil. But in fact, 77 percent of the world’s oil reserves are held by national oil companies with no private equity, and there are 13 state-owned oil companies with more reserves than ExxonMobil, the largest multinational oil company. The popular perception in the United States is that if leaders of oil countries nationalize their oil, they are bucking a global trend toward privatization. In reality, nationalized oil is the trend. And the percentage of oil controlled by state-owned companies is likely to continue rising, mainly because of the demographics of oil. Deposits are being exhausted in wealthy countries — the ones that exploited their oil first and generally have the most private oil — and are being found largely in developing countries, where oil tends to belong to the state.
Nationalization is also a political trend in some regions, mainly Latin America, where the populist presidents of Bolivia and Ecuador have made it part of their discourse. They are led, of course, by Hugo Chávez of Venezuela. He has made private producers accept state control of their operations. When they wouldn’t, as in the case of ExxonMobil and ConocoPhillips, he simply nationalized their holdings. Chávez has also asserted his control over Venezuela’s state oil company, which before him operated very much like a private, profit-driven enterprise.
Chávez is a prophet in search of disciples. He seeks to present Venezuela as a more moral world power, uniting Latin America and poor countries everywhere in a socialist alliance. He has invented a new kind of socialism, which he calls Bolivarian socialism, named for the independence hero Simón Bolívar: a little Marx, a little Jesus, a little anti-imperialism and a lot of the whim of Hugo Chávez, dedicated to the “comprehensive, humanist, endogenous and socialist development of the nation.” His is a gospel greased by oil, which is financing his transformation of Venezuela. Chávez is a genius of a politician: charming, folksy, flirtatious. I first met him in New York in 1999, the year he became president. I sat next to him at an interview, very pregnant. He embraced me — “But you should come have the baby in Venezuela!” he enthused.
The appeal of his message transcends the charisma of the messenger. To other countries — especially the oil and gas nations in Latin America that watch Chávez with particular interest — the appeal is simple to understand. Oil- and gas-dependent countries are historically ill governed. Today their people are in rebellion against globalization, which promised much but has brought them little. They have been told their countries are rich, but they see they are poor. So someone must be stealing the profits.
Most often, nationalization is a reaction to the idea that the thief is a foreign company. For populist leftists, El Petroleo es Nuestro! — the oil is ours — is an alluring slogan. Now as the record high price of oil has made exploitation worthwhile even in places that are remote or geologically complicated (Chad comes to mind), more underdeveloped countries have to choose what to do with their oil. Those that have long held oil must decide how to spend the incomprehensible amounts of money oil is now bringing them.
Historically, almost every country dependent on the export of oil has answered this question in the same way: badly. It may seem paradoxical, but finding a hole in the ground that spouts money can be one of the worst things to happen to a nation. With one or two exceptions, oil-dependent countries are poorer, more conflict-ridden and despotic. OPEC’s own studies show the perils of relying on oil. Between 1965 and 1998, the economies of OPEC members contracted by 1.3 percent a year. Oil-dependent nations do especially badly by their poor: infant survival, nutrition, life expectancy, literacy, schooling — all are worse in oil-producing countries. The history of oil-dependent countries has produced what Terry Lynn Karl, a Stanford University professor, calls the paradox of plenty.
Oil not only creates very few jobs, it also destroys jobs in other sectors. By pushing up a country’s exchange rate, the export of oil distorts the economy. “Oil rents drive out any other productive activity,” Karl says. “Why would you bother to produce your own food if you could buy it? Why would you bother to develop any kind of export industry if oil makes your money worth more and that hurts all your other exports?” The most successful societies develop a middle class through manufacturing; oil makes this extremely difficult.
Oil concentrates a country’s wealth in the state, creating a culture where money is made by soliciting politicians and bureaucrats rather than by making things and selling them. Oil states also ask their citizens for little in taxes, and where citizens pay little in taxes, they demand little in accountability. Those in power distribute oil money to stay in power. Thus oil states tend to be highly corrupt.
II.
Venezuela is a typical victim of the oil curse. It has become a rich country of poor people. Teodoro Petkoff has seen Venezuela through booms and busts. Once a daring leftist guerrilla who in 2006 was briefly a candidate against Chávez, he publishes a newspaper, Tal Cual, that criticizes both Chávez and the opposition. “The state is booty,” Petkoff said when I met him in his small office in Caracas. “The state is hypertrophic here, a monster complex on top of society, heavy and corrupt. It has been the great contractor, the great buyer, the great provider, the great receiver. To win government is to get access to a source of personal enrichment. Money has to pass through the state. Oil has weakened our collective morality. It obliges you to be corrupt. You can’t do business if you are not corrupt. We are waiting for the easy deal, big winnings.”
Chávez has promised to break this curse, to finally use Venezuela’s oil to benefit its people. Oil is everything in Venezuela; it pays for at least half the government’s expenditures and 90 percent of its foreign exchange, according Orlando Ochoa, a prominent economist. Now “zero misery” is one of the government’s slogans, and the vehicle to get there is oil. Chávez’s oil company, Petróleos de Venezuela S.A., or Pdvsa (pronounced peh-deh-VEH-sah — S.A. stands for “sociedad anónima,” or incorporated), is proudly inefficient, proudly political. Chávez has called his revolution “oil socialism.”
Primer anonimo, muchas gracias por alertarnos a algunos ciudadanos de la Republica (unitaria, plurietnica y multicultural, segun nuestra Constitucion actual) sobre estas estupideces publicadas en diarios que lamentablemente, o ?afortunadamente? no cruzan las fronteras con la misma facilidad que tiene el Kapital globalizado .
Que viva el Banco Mundial, pero que viva Lejos!!
Whom do you think you're fooling, you American hippie?
QUE SE VAYA AL CARAJO LOS IMPOSTORES DEL MAS Y LOS VENDES ESCLAVISTAS ASESINOS
Enviado por rutas2003 el Sáb, 19/04/2008 - 04:01. Noticia
Resulta que a hora se rasgan las vestiduras los obsecuentes alcahuetes masistas o los seudos "socialistas" reformistas de todo pelaje que hoy como en todo los gobiernos están como cola de furgón del gobierno de turno, por lo que ocurre con los guaranis o por lo que dijo Terrazas, que esperaban que se ponga del lado de los pobres, pero déjense de embromar si en Bolivia y en todas partes del mundo la iglesia siempre ha estado a lado del poder económico. la servidumbre es lo mas “cotidiano” en los países semicoloniales, que son los Juancito Pintos que están en las calles ,mercados , plazas etc. ya sea vendiendo algo, lustrando zapatos o como bestias de carga llevando los productos que compran las “damas” de los burgueses(vendes neoliberales ) y de los nuevos burgueses del MAS , o de los burócratas sindicalistas vendidos, o las “domis” como los dicen a nuestras hermanas , esposas o madres cuando van a “trabajar” en sus casas o a lavar sus ostentosas prendas de vestir por miserables pagas para los “prósperos” en nuestra llajta, todos los años hay zafra y toda la vida lo hubo y todos saben de la súper explotación que ocurre ¿Cuántas zafras hubo en este gobierno del Evo? seguramente que no se dio cuenta de cómo oprimen los zafreros ni se debe de acordar cuando fue a trabajar a la zafra junto a sus padres a la argentina, hoy es noticia , que los niños trabajan en la zafra para hacer mas producción , lo de los hermanos guranis lo sabia muy bien lo que les estaba ocurriendo , lo dijo hace mas de un mes en un discurso pero como el es “respetuoso de la propiedad privada no le importaba lo que sucedía y esto que es un escándalo es responsabilidad de este gobierno, la superexplotación y los salarios de hambre de este gobierno no están lejos de los negreros esclavizadores, cuantos latifundista ladrones Larsenes hay que este gobierno conoce . el aumento de la desocupación no se soluciona con un nueva constitución o autonomía , eso es pura especulación , la desnutrición que lleva a la mortalidad infantil no se soluciona con el mate de coca como lo planteaba el anterior ministro de educación, hablar de esclavitud con tanto cinismo por parte de este gobierno es hasta risorio , la pregunta es cuanto pagan los grandes productores de coca (dirigentes cocaleros ) por la cosecha de coca , o cuanto pagan los cooperativistas mineros a sus trabajadores (que no tuviera que ser así ,el cooperativismo real no admite, pero lo buscaron la vuelta para explotar y evadir impuestos y cargas sociales ) hoy sabemos mas que nunca quien defiende la propiedad privada en toda sus dimensiones, también ya sabemos que el quiere ser socio de nuestros opresores la raquítica burguesía a toda costa, sabemos a quien defiende con la vieja y la nueva constitución, por lo tanto ya sábenos quienes son responsables de nuestra situación socio económico ,quienes son los que roban nuestros derechos a vivir dignamente , no pueden seguir teniendo tanta impunidad como lo que tienen los latifundistas que nos esclavizan , llego la hora que todos dejemos el chauvinismo y lo de patriotero juntémonos trabajadores , originarios ,amas de casa , estudiantes, sectores empobrecidos, desocupados etc., en una sola lucha digámosles que se vayan al carajo estos impostores sirvientes del imperialismo por que ni el MAS de Evo Morales representa nuestros intereses ni los VENDES ASESINOS DE LA MEDIA LUNA tanpoco y que su CONSTITUCIÓN Y SUS AUTONOMÍAS se lo pueden meter bien donde ellos saben, y por mas reformistas y cipayos que intentan confundirnos , no lo lograran .
FBIC,
Have you considered a factual ciriticim of the article here, or is personal insult just as far as your mental capacity takes you? I see nothing inaccurate in the article, do you? If so, illuminate us.
JIM, ARE YOU THE ANTICHRIST???
OR JUST AN ANARCHIST?
anonymous 6:58 -
My comment was not on Jim's article but on the comment immediately above mine. I'm sorry if that wasn't clear.
Antichrist? Is he equal to Cheney?
Anarchist? Is he equal to Costas or Marinkovick?
Mr Shultz, you should replace your picture with the one of Pinnochio included in your last post... It would truly represent what you do in Bolivia day in and day out.. Maybe you can fool a few naive americans with your "Democracy" center but not the people who know what is going on in Bolivia...
Jim, you should definitely moderate the commentary section. It's like a far-right childs playground.
Mr Francois, being a good Leftist has suggested rule one out of the Communist handbook, control civic discourse through censorship. We are just children that need a big daddy like Mr Francois, because he knows best.
Actually I admire Jim for allowing seemingly all viewpoints, especially some of the critical comments made by yours truly. Many a time I have clicked the publish button, thinking Jim's not going to let this one through, and they've all made it. My hat's off to you Jim.
François G. Couillard said...
Jim, you should definitely moderate the commentary section. It's like a far-right childs playground.
I would have to agree with Don about the censorship. How else would I be able to taunt Frankie, et al, for their extremist opinions.
Even an Iowa hog can root up corn in the winter.
Buffy :)
François:
Actually, I think letting these neocons spout their ignorance so visibly does a better job than arguing with them.
Let them sink further! tickling them is fun, their obtuse minds are fun to play with. Even my dog has a more open mind than them...
I couldn't translate this, but what it is important are the names of the slave owners who stole the land in Santa Cruz and now want in the name of autonomia to keep the stolen lands.
La Mafia Fascista a la cabeza de Hugo Banzer fue la que articulo la mafia que ahora detenta la tierra
Enviado por victor el zarate el Lun, 21/04/2008 - 16:55. Análisis Asamb. Constit. y Autonomías Indigenas
Los Saavedra Bruno, Monasterio y Justiniano Ruiz tienen los mayores predios
La tierra en Santa Cruz está concentrada en 15 familias
Apronte: hacendados bloquean el ingreso a los predios ubicados en la provincia Cordillera de Santa Cruz
Alrededor de 15 familias controlan la tierra en Santa Cruz. Poseen una extensión superior a las 512.085 hectáreas equivalentes a 25 veces la superficie de la capital de ese departamento calculada en 20.505 hectáreas.
Así lo revela un informe del Instituto Nacional de Reforma Agraria (INRA) que señala que entre todas se hicieron dueñas de más de medio millón de hectáreas en ese departamento.
Según la entidad, entre éstas se encuentran las familias Saavedra Bruno Tardío; Monasterio Nieme, Justiniano Ruiz; Roig Pacheco; Rapp Martínez y otros; Antelo Urdininea; Keller Ramos; Candia Mejía; Castro Villazón; Ovando Candia; Roberto Fracaro; Sánchez Peña; Larsen Nielsen Zurita; Bauer Elsner y la Agropecuaria OB S.R.L. (ver cuadro).
De acuerdo con el INRA, uno de los principales propietarios de tierras en ese departamento es el empresario Luis Saavedra Bruno, quien, junto con su familia, tiene 18 predios verificados en 73.089 hectáreas. De esa extensión, fueron saneadas alrededor de 17.486 hectáreas.
¿Cómo obtuvo sus propiedades? Los datos señalan que en principio, entre 1983 y 1992, este empresario y su linaje se beneficiaron de siete predios, a través de dotaciones realizadas por el ex Consejo Nacional de Reforma Agraria en una extensión de 16.129 hectáreas, en forma contraria a lo que definen las normas vigentes que indican que nadie puede tener más de una dotación. Sin embargo, las mediciones realizadas posteriormente por el INRA determinaron que tienen un patrimonio mayor, que alcanza a los 18 predios verificados.
Según el asesor legal del Viceministerio de Tierras, Jorge Mercado, todas las dotaciones autorizadas en su momento por el ex Consejo se hicieron a título gratuito y a solicitud de cualquier persona que lo pidiera.
Saavedra Bruno, en contacto con La Prensa, aseguró que todas sus propiedades fueron compradas y saneadas. No precisó montos ni mencionó de quiénes las adquirió. Sin embargo, aclaró que cumplen con la función económica social (FES). “Lo que pasa es que los títulos de propiedades antiguas no las hicieron valer si eran de antes de 1953, entonces la llaman dotación, pero todas las propiedades han sido compradas y trabajadas y explotadas de manera eficiente, generamos empleo y producción”.
Entre las propiedades que están a su nombre se encuentran Abras I, II y III, Berlín, El Carmen del Ruiz, La Jojoba, Las Mercedes, Todos Santos, Guabirá, Todos Santos Saavedra, el Tamarindo, Nelori, Buen Retiro y Yucasa en Santa Cruz. Saavedra Bruno aclaró que estas dos últimas propiedades las vendió hace siete y ocho años y hoy ya no le pertenecen.
A nombre de su esposa Ivonne Tardío de Saavedra se encuentran los predios Villa Carolina y Villa Alejandra, y en manos de su hermano Marcelo Roberto Saavedra Bruno, la propiedad Nueva Deli, y en las de su hija Ximena Saavedra Tardío, La Chacra. Todos están ubicados en Santa Cruz.
Aseguró que tiene las tierras desde hace 22 años y que se dedica al mejoramiento genético del ganado vacuno con tecnología de punta. “Este trabajo es reconocido en el extranjero. Hemos exportado genética en un país donde los niveles tecnológicos son bajos. Nosotros producimos y contribuimos de manera decisiva a la ganadería, proveyendo animales reproductores que aseguran una mayor productividad en los hatos donde se utiliza”.
El Registro del Mercado de Valores dice que Saavedra Bruno es accionista del Banco Unión con el 0,7 por ciento y su hijo Luis Fernando, con el 3,5 por ciento.
Monasterio
La segunda familia con las mayores extensiones de tierra, según el INRA, es la de Osvaldo Monasterio Nieme, a quien entre 1972 y 1990 el ex Consejo Nacional de Reforma Agraria le dotó l4 predios con una superficie de 13.533 hectáreas. También en contra de lo que dice la ley.
Sin embargo, el INRA verificó que hoy posee 17 predios y una propiedad medida en 78.340 hectáreas. De esta extensión, se encuentran saneadas aproximadamente 50.369 hectáreas.
De acuerdo con la institución, la superficie controlada por la familia Monasterio supera en tres veces la mancha urbana de Santa Cruz de la Sierra.
Se desconoce cómo obtuvo los otros predios. Este diario se comunicó en dos ocasiones el jueves y dos el viernes con sus oficinas en la red televisiva Unitel, de la que también es accionista, y no se lo encontró y su secretaria se comprometió a comunicarse con La Prensa, pero no lo hizo. Están a su nombre las siguientes propiedades: El Ensueño, dotada en 1972, que en la actualidad tiene como beneficiario a Ormando Álvarez; Monterrey, en 1990, que a su vez fue dividida en cinco predios: El Encanto, la Encrucijada, Monterrey I, Monterrey II y Los Tordos-San Martín.
Además de Campiña Grande, San Antonio, San Matías, Badajos, California, Santana, Cañadita, El Progreso y Fernando Monasterio Nieme.
Los Monasterio son dueños además del 100 por ciento del paquete accionario del Banco Ganadero y de la Red Unitel.
Otras familias
Los datos del INRA también mencionan como “barones de la tierra en Santa Cruz” a los Justiniano Ruiz (43.579 hectáreas), Roig Pacheco (43.166 hectáreas), Rapp Martínez y otros (52.146 hectáreas). En el cuadro de apoyo se observa el detalle de predios de otras parentelas como Keller Ramos, Candia Mejía, Castro Villazón, Ovando Candia y Larsen Nielsen Zurita. La Prensa intentó comunicarse con estas familias, pero las referencias telefónicas obtenidas no eran válidas.
Este diario informó que el linaje Larsen posee 17 propiedades de 157 mil hectáreas que, según el INRA, equivalen a tres veces la mancha urbana de Santa Cruz de la Sierra.
La ley prohíbe dotaciones
La Ley de Reforma Agraria (1953) y la Ley de Reconducción Comunitaria de la Reforma Agraria (2007) tipifican como ilegal que una persona tenga más de una dotación de tierra del Estado para evitar su concentración en pocas manos.
Según el Instituto Nacional de Reforma Agraria (INRA), existen casos de personas que tienen hasta cinco dotaciones; sin embargo, es probable que algunos propietarios hubiesen adquirido las propiedades por la vía de la compra. aspecto que sólo podrá ser verificado con claridad durante el proceso de saneamiento.
El asesor legal del Viceministerio de Tierras, Jorge Mercado, explicó que no hay ninguna irregularidad si la compra fue legal, pero se debe verificar los antecedentes de los trámites para dar fe de ellos.
El ex presidente Banzer consolidó la propiedad en el oriente
Alrededor de 391 grandes propietarios de haciendas y sus familias y socios en Santa Cruz recibieron entre 1953 y 1994 un total de 5.477.444 hectáreas, que equivalen al 14,7 por ciento del total de la superficie del territorio oriental.
La mayor parte de esas dotaciones (51 por ciento) se consolidó en la dictadura del ex presidente Hugo Banzer Suárez.
Así lo revela el listado de dotaciones individuales otorgadas por el Consejo Nacional de Reforma Agraria a partir de las 10.000 hectáreas en el departamento de Santa Cruz y publicado en el libro Los barones del oriente, de Ximena Soruco, Wilfredo Plata y Gustavo Medeiros.
Según Soruco, a partir de los gobiernos militares, especialmente en el del ex presidente Banzer, se procesó el 48 por ciento de los expedientes de grandes propiedades y el 51 por ciento de la superficie distribuida entre 1953 y 1994.
Los datos revelan que en el gobierno de facto de Banzer (1971-1978) se distribuyeron 2.686.629 hectáreas. Llama la atención el año 1973 cuando se aprobó la entrega de 1.090.462 hectáreas
Otro periodo importante para la dotación de grandes propiedades es el Gobierno de Jaime Paz Zamora (18 por ciento de los expedientes y 15 por ciento de la superficie).
Soruco sostiene que los orígenes de los dueños de la tierra en Santa Cruz se remontan al año 1880 durante el auge de la goma.
Los primeros que se dedicaron a su explotación fueron los empresarios Antonio Vaca Díez, Nicolás Suárez, Nicanor Salvatierra y Antenor Vásquez, quienes articularon sus empresas a capitales europeos.
También llegaron emigrantes europeos como Mateo Kuljis, quien comenzó trabajando como vendedor de zapatos en Manaco. Sus descendientes tienen hoy intereses en el negocio del papel, cuero, banca, ganadería, supermercados y medios de comunicación televisivos.
A los pocos años de su llegada a la región, Kuljis fue admitido como miembro del Club Social y socio de la Cámara de Industria y Comercio.
Con su participación en las instancias recreativas más importantes, este industrial empezó a adquirir tierras como la propiedad El Bajío de 435 hectáreas y una quinta en San Ignacio de Velasco, aunque fue su hijo Wálter Kuljis quien se dedicó a la crianza de ganado de raza y comercio de carne con el matadero y frigorífico Fridosa.
Otros dueños
Los Justiniano Ruiz tienen los predios El Carmen, Los Ciervos y Alconera desde 1964.
Roig Pacheco: El Chaqueño María Deysi, Villa Sandra y Nueva Italia, desde 1973.
Rapp Martínez: San José, Santa Rita, Rosa, María, Tereza y Laguna Bonita, desde 1965.
Jorge Antelo: El Rancho, Texas, San Antonio, Santa María e Isla Verde, desde 1961.
Keller Ramos: Río Verde y Salmo 23, dotados por el INRA entre 1968 y 1970.
anon 5:52, would you post your source please; not the author, but the periodical. Thanks.
Never mind, I found it. Indymedia. bolivia.indymedia.org/node/6142
I shudder at the thought of defending the World Bank, but there is truth and then there are lies.
World Bank played a leading role in decades of so-called 'structural adjustment' policies that wrecked Bolivian industries, traded away natural resources at bargain prices, and left the country deeply in debt for boondoggle projects that often just benefited the small elite that cozied up to the Bank's ideological agenda.
After 1985
i. Bolivia's mostly state-owned industry were boondogles, that were mismanaged by the state, and ran HUGE DEFICITS THAT CONTRIBUTED TO A HUGE FOREIGN DEBT, GOVERNMENT DEFICITS, THE COLLAPSE OF BOLIVIA'S ECONOMY AND HYPERINFLATION.
ii. Selling off parts or all of loser enterprises REDUCED THE FOREIGN DEBT, BALANCED BUDGET,
iii. The so-called structural reforms, HAVE BROUGHT IN MORE THAN 5 BILLION DOLLARS OF INVESTMENT, IMPROVED INFRAESTRUCTURE, REDUCED FOREIGN DEBT,BALANCED BUDGET, AND CREATED THE CONDITIONS FOR BOLIVIA TO EXPORT 100'S OF MILLIONS OF DOLLARS IN NON-TRADITIONAL EXPORTS BESIDES CREATING THE MULTI-BILLION DOLLAR GAS INDUSTRY.
iv. Bolivia also now has laws and regulations that promote greater transparency, give the central bank autonomy, inhibit destructive economic policies.
Those are economic facts, anything else is fiction.
So according to this article the 15 richest land owning families in Santa Cruz own 512085 hectares or 5121 square kilometers. Which is about 1.6% of the total land in Santa Cruz. And that is assuming you are right. I only know a few of the families listed but all are hard working except for the Monasterios which are crooks.
sorry, the article to which i was referring to is anon 5:52
i don't agree with censoring anybody or removing any posts (except for the occasional spam that ends up in these threads...) i applaud jim's commitment to free speech in this forum.
however, i do wish that people would censor themselves. the inevitable breakdown into name-calling on many of these comment threads is really unfortunate.
some of the regulars are the biggest culprits. rather than just shouting and hoping the whole world hears and listens to you, shut up, listen, and contribute when you have something to add.
Mr. Shultz,
Please explain your involvement with Mr. De La Quintana´s crime network. I have only one knot for the puzzle to be solved.
THE MISTERY
(JIMOCRACY CENTER - SOROS - DE LA QUINTANA)
IS PRACTICALLY OUT IN TO THE LIGHT...!
Music please....
MOZART´S REQUIEM)
Mr. Anon 9:26:
Explain your paycheck from the Compania Involucrada en Asesinatos? Or is it under a cover such as USAID, or some other NGOs? Goni's, and Tuto's organizations are fully banked by them, so you must be fully related to them.
Music
Up against the wall mot....fu...
Let's read:
Golberg forgot to change the name Bolivia instead of Cuba but the money keeps flowing:
USAID/Cuba Program
GOAL: Promote Rapid, Peaceful Transition to Democracy in Cuba, Helping Develop Civil Society
OBJECTIVE: Increase Flow of Information on Democracy, Human Rights and Free Enterprise, To, From, and Within Cuba
NOTE: As a matter of policy, USAID grantees are not authorized to use grant funds to provide cash assistance to any person or organization in Cuba.
A. BUILDING SOLIDARITY WITH CUBA'S HUMAN RIGHTS ACTIVISTS
Freedom House: Transitions ($500,000 - completed)
Center for a Free Cuba ($3,317,479)
The Institute for Democracy in Cuba ($1,000,000 - completed)
Cuban Dissidence Task Group ($250,000 - completed)
International Republican Institute ($2,174,462)
Freedom House: Cuban Democracy Project ($1,325,000)
Grupo de Apoyo a la Disidencia ($2,700,000)
Accion Democratica Cubana ($400,000)
B. GIVING VOICE TO CUBA'S INDEPENDENT JOURNALISTS
Cuba Free Press ($280,000 - completed)
Florida International University: Journalism Training ($890,000)
CubaNet ($833,000)
Carta de Cuba ($293,000)
C. HELPING DEVELOP INDEPENDENT CUBAN NGOs
Partners of the Americas ($172,000 - completed)
Pan American Development Foundation ($553,500)
ACDI-VOCA: Independent Agricultural Cooperatives ($265,000 - completed)
University of Miami: Developing Civil Society ($320,000 - completed)
Florida International University: NGO Development ($291,749)
D. DEFENDING THE RIGHTS OF CUBAN WORKERS
American Center for Int'l Labor Solidarity ($168,575 - completed)
National Policy Association ($424,000 - completed)
E. PROVIDING DIRECT OUTREACH TO THE CUBAN PEOPLE
Cuba On-Line ($2,625,479)
Sabre Foundation ($85,000 - completed)
F. PLANNING FOR TRANSITION
Rutgers University: Planning for Change ($99,000 - completed)
Int'l Foundation for Election Systems ($136,000 - completed)
U.S. - Cuba Business Council ($852,000 - completed)
University of Miami: Cuba Transition Planning ($1,545,000)
Georgetown University Scholarships ($400,000)
G. EVALUATING PROGRAM IMPACT
Univ of Florida: Measuring Public Opinion ($110,000 - completed)
PriceWaterhouseCoopers: Program Evaluation ($225,000 - completed)
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
A. BUILDING SOLIDARITY WITH CUBA'S HUMAN RIGHTS ACTIVISTS
Freedom House: Transitions
Provided 40,000 Spanish language books, pamphlets and other materials to the Cuban people on issues such as human rights, transition to democracy and free market economics.
The Center for a Free Cuba
Gathers and disseminates information concerning the human rights situation in Cuba. Transmits the writings of Cuban human rights activists to non governmental organizations worldwide. Sponsors travel to Cuba by representatives of democratic societies. Distributes pro-democracy literature on the island.
The Institute for Democracy in Cuba
Assisted democratic activists in Cuba, informed the Cuban people, gathered and disseminated information from inside Cuba on human rights. Provided 7,000 pounds of humanitarian assistance (food and medicine) to political prisoners, their families, and other victims of oppression.
Cuban Dissidence Task Group
Published and disseminated worldwide the written analysis of Cuban democratic activists on the island. Provided humanitarian assistance (food and medicine) to political prisoners and their families, and to other victims of government oppression.
International Republican Institute
Helps create and bolster international solidarity committees in Latin America and Europe in order to provide material, moral and ideological support for democratic activists in Cuba.
Freedom House: Cuban Democracy Project
Promotes the formation of civic and political leadership in Cuba by linking professional organizations in Cuba to one another and to those in free democracies in Europe, North America and elsewhere.
Grupo de Apoyo a la Disidencia
Provides humanitarian assistance and informational materials to political prisoners and their families and other victims of repression.
Accion Democratica Cubana
Provides humanitarian assistance and informational materials to political prisoners and their families and other victims of repression.
Who's this "Golberg" I keep hearing about?
Jim, can we move on? I keep watching your blog, hoping to hear the Evo-friendly but well informed version of current events that you usually provide, but it seems like you are stuck in a comfortable past when Evo still looked like a good guy. The water war is history. What about the upcoming election for the autonomy statute, the fight in Camiri, Evo's rejection of the catholic church as mediators. What about the damage the ban on exporting cooking oil is causing? I wonder if these are uncomfortable topics for you because you can't find a way to blame the world bank and the United States.
LET HIM THINK, I SAY!!
(SOROS.....
....S O R O S........
........S....O....R....O.....S....
)
------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
I guess from the dearth of comments from the DC, freezing your opponent's bank accounts must now be an accepted form of democratic expression.
In the interest of balance, if the team that DC doesn't support did this, I wonder how quickly the outrage post would have been posted. It cuts both ways - doesn't democracy involve supporting the basic tenets of democracy even when other people's beliefs differ from your own?
Bert
"El prefecto de Santa Cruz, Rubén Costas, anunció este viernes que después de la consulta del estatuto autonómico del 4 de mayo se buscará el nacimiento de la segunda república.
“Estamos hastiados de un centralismo donde se hace lo que les da la gana (…) no frenarán la consulta del 4 de mayo pese a actos desesperados del Gobierno para evitar este hecho”, afirmó el Prefecto cruceño a la prensa.
Según Costas, el Gobierno está desesperado porque “nace una nueva república, una segunda república no centralista sino a través de las regiones este 4 de mayo”.
In most countries this would be called seditious and Mr. Costas would be brought before a tribunal for "acts of sedition". In the USA that could lead to a death penalty. Or 30 years at hard labor in Bolivia.
Buffy
Buffy: He's not calling for the creation of a new country. He's merely stating that it will be a new Bolivia with autonomous states, possibly akin to US or European federalism, or perhaps Spanish autonomy. He's not calling for a new country, rather a reorganization that is closer to the people and meets their needs more effectively.
BUFFY,
En 2004, Evo Morales junto a otros "LÍDERES DE MOVIMIENTOS SOCIALES" amenazó al gobierno de "paralizar el país" e instaurar un "gobierno del pueblo" con el apoyo del "ESTADO MAYOR DEL PUEBLO".
He actually blocked roads killed police and military officers and bugged every living soul in this country.
Now he is a democratic president.
SO YOU SAY THAT INSTEAD HE SHOULD BE IN JAIL FOR AT LEAST 30 YEARS!
I C O U L D N´T A G R E E M O R E.
LONG LIVE BUFFY THE FEARLESS VAMPIRE KILLER!
"acts of sedition". In the USA that could lead to a death penalty
You are misinformed, Buffy.
Buffy, how is it that a person who claims to live in Bolivia like you do make such stupid and misleading comments about the country? Are you are making an apology for violence against Mr. Costas? Can't you understand the difference between AUTONOMY and independence? You remind me of another "progessive" gringuita now in prison in the Andes for hanging with out with the wrong crowd and not respecting our country's democracies.
frank_ibc, who am I fooling? lol have it your way dude. so us American hippies can't happen to have read the Bolivian constitution of 1967 which is STILL current with modifications in the '90's?
I was simply pointing out the fact that Bolivia still is, legally and legitimately, a Unitary republic. Which answers some of the questions on this board.
@anonymous I don't necessarily think the ban on cooking oil is a topic for a political/policy blog as an economic issue, but a social issue. the national government had to take some action in order to confront rising inflation and the wild speculation in prices by shopkeepers and distributors which is common and only ends up hurting the poorest consumers. while gdp numbers for the 'republic of santa cruz' (HA!) may be reduced disproportionately by the oil ban, and jobs affected, perhaps the wider national interest against inflation is more pressing and should be covered by the DC.
@anonymous Golberg is the muthafuckin' USamerican ambassador to Bolivia, who formerly helped the State department aid in the secession of Kosovo from Serbia (whose merits I will not argue as I am not well informed) but the implication is that he has been sent to Santa Cruz (ahem, Bolivia) to do the same kinda thing.
@Bert If you are referring to the central government cutting off $$$ to the department of SC, this was because they disconnected THEMSELVES from the national financial network. an attribution which, of course, is debatable, but which is not given to them under the current constitution.
@michael, I agree,
peace
Article 4, Section 2
II. Toda fuerza armada o reunión de personas que se atribuya la soberanía del pueblo comete delito de sedición.
"All armed forces or meetings of people which claim for themselves the sovereignty of the people commit the crime of sedtion"
"acts of sedition". In the USA that could lead to a death penalty
You are misinformed, Buffy.
I stand corrected. I was thinking of treason, which is much more problematic. And I must admit that I do not know the penalties for the aforementioned crime.
and to 3:06 - I make no apology for the violence against Sr. Costas. But, how am I to interpret the fact that he wants a birth of a second republic?
Buffy :-)
Buffy:
France, Italy, and various other countries have had many "republics" generally when the constitution or polity changes. I believe Venezuela is on it's 5th or 6th republic. Would you argue that in each instance these were different countries? Countries that had split apart?
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